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366 pages, Hardcover
First published January 27, 2015
Like the schoolyard bully, our criminal justice system harasses people on small pretexts but is exposed as a coward before murder. It hauls masses of black men through its machinery but fails to protect them from both bodily injury and death. It is at once oppressive and inadequate… This is a book about a very simple idea where the criminal justice system fails to respond vigorously to violent injury and death, homicide becomes endemic.There is a plague loose in the land. A dark, long-time resident that deals in sudden death, trimming the upper number in the life expectancy range with a meataxe. The truth is not easy. It is not the sort of uni-dimensional flat surface that some politicians and most mainstream media find so attractive. It is not good vs bad, although there is plenty of both to go around. It is not lazy versus industrious although there is a plentiful supply of both sorts of people. The truth is multifaceted, reflecting light from and to diverse directions. It is comprised of the accretions of time and experience, and is held in place by ignorance, greed, and expectation. But unless one can get a handle on the truth, appreciate its reality, its many facets, see past its PR, there can never be any hope of replacing it with a better truth, a less desperate truth, a less murderous truth. How’s this for a truth? Black men make up 6 % of the population, yet make up 40% of murder victims.
Forty years after the civil rights movement, impunity for the murder of black men remained America’s great, though mostly invisible, race problem. The institutions of criminal justice, so remorseless in other ways in an era of get-tough sentencing and “preventive” policing remained feeble when it came to answering for the lives of black murder victims. Few experts examined what was evident every day of John Skaggs’s working life: that the state’s inability to catch and punish even a bare majority of murderers in black enclaves such as Watts was itself a root cause of the violence, and that this was a terrible problem—perhaps the most terrible thing in contemporary American life. The system’s failure to catch killers effectively made black lives cheap.Leovy offers perspectives from both sides of the blue line. Her primary focus is on a detective who gets it. John Skaggs, a big Mic of a cop, with a brain to match his large frame. Understanding that as long as black lives were held cheap, the killing would continue, Skaggs made it his mission to make “black lives expensive.” Instead of blowing off the killing, he took it on himself to dig in, find ways, and take killers off the street. Leovy tells the story of Skaggs’ pursuit of truth and justice, if not exactly the American way.
This practice of using “proxy crimes” to substitute for more difficult and expensive investigations was widespread in American law enforcement. The legal scholar William J. Stuntz singled it out as a particularly damaging trend of recent decades. In California, proxy justice had transformed enforcement of parole and probation into a kind of shadow legal system sparing the state the trouble of expensive prosecutions.When effective law enforcement no longer applies in a place, local law steps in to fill the vacuum, whether that law is gang-based or a manifestation of a religious movement, as in Iraq or Afghanistan. It is no puzzle why a part of the Windy City is called Chi-raq.
When your business dealings are illegal, you have no legal recourse. Many poor “underclass” men of Watts had little to live on except a couple hundred dollars a month in county General Relief. They “cliqued up” for all sorts of illegal enterprises, not just selling drugs and pimping but also fraudulent check schemes, tax cons, unlicensed car repair businesses, or hair braiding. Some bounced from hustle to hustle. They bartered goods, struck deals, and shared proceeds, all off the books. Violence substituted for contract litigation. Young men in Watts frequently compared their participation in so-called gang culture to the way white-collar businessmen sue customers, competitors, or suppliers in civil courts. They spoke of policing themselves, adjudicating their own disputes. Other people call the police when they need help, explained an East Coast Crip gang member. “We pick up the phone and call out homeboys.”There are other sources for what happens to innocent victims caught up in such sweeps. I recommend Matt Taibbi’s The Divide for that. But that is not what Leovy is attending to here, and it is indeed only one part of the larger story.
One of Skaggs’s colleagues picked up a word a Watts gang member used to describe his neighborhood: ghettoside. The term captured the situation nicely, mixing geography and status with the hustler’s poetic precision and perverse conceit. It was both a place and a predicament, and gave a name to that otherworldly seclusion that all violent black pockets of the country had in common—Athens, Willowbrook, parts of Long Beach, Watts. There was a sameness to these places and the policing that went on in them. John Skaggs was ghettoside all the way.Some people care. Black lives do matter. But it is important to find specific places where the notion can be applied to the levers and gears of reality to effect a desired result. Some people are trying to change things. Some people are trying to push down on the lever of prosecuting the killers of black men. But this is a huge mountain, and it will take a lot of pushing to make it move. Ghettoside could just as easily have been titled “Ghetto-cide,” and that really is what it is all about.
In a vacuum, it isn’t natural to pre-emptively shoot people to death, just as, in a vacuum, it isn’t natural to keep your gun trained on a person who has been rendered incapacitated and is bleeding out before you. This is specialized behavior, the sort expected from military forces entering unfamiliar war zones. Soldiers are trained to consider everyone and everything a potential threat, to neutralize any man, woman or child who could potentially cause them harm. The highest priorities are to protect themselves and to accomplish their mission, and that requires the trained dehumanization of the local population. In such an environment, the burden of not killing is lifted from the soldiers, and local people are tasked with the burden of not provoking death.August 10, 2016 - an alarming NY Times piece on a Justice Department study that looked into police bias - Findings of Police Bias in Baltimore Validate What Many Have Long Felt
Gangs could seem pointlessly self-destructive, but the reason they existed was no mystery. Boys and men always tend to group together for protection. They seek advantage in numbers. Unchecked by a state monopoly on violence, such groupings fight, commit crimes, and ascend to factional dominance as conditions permit. Fundamentally, gangs are a consequence of lawlessness, not a cause.
Society's efforts to combat this mostly black-on-black murder epidemic were inept, fragmented, underfunded, contorted by a variety of ideological, political, and racial sensitivities. When homicide did get attention, the focus seemed to be on spectacles — mass shootings, celebrity murders — a step removed from the people who were doing most of the dying: black men.
They were the nation's number one crime victims. They were the people hurt most badly and most often, just 6 percent of the country's population but nearly 40 percent of those murdered. People talked a lot about crime in America, but they tended to gloss over this aspect — that a plurality of those killed were not women, children, infants, elders, nor victims of workplace or school shootings. Rather, they were legions of America's black men, many of them unemployed and criminally involved. They were murdered every day, in every city, their bodies stacking up by the thousands, year after year.
Among the lessons to be drawn was that poverty does not necessarily engender homicide ... Despite their relative poverty, recent immigrants tend to have lower homicide rates than resident Hispanics and their descendants born in the United States. This is because homicide flares among people who are trapped and economically interdependent, not among people who are highly mobile ... Homicide thrives on intimacy, communal interactions, barter, and a shared sense of private rules. The intimacy part was also why homicide was so stubbornly intraracial. You had to be involved with people to want to kill them. You had to share space in a small, isolated world. (emphasis mine)
"the city’s black population is fast disappearing…as the city’s black residents scatter to the exurbs. To some extent, their high homicide rate travel with them. But the change has also coincided with—at long last—a dramatic easing of the residential hyper-segregation that set the conditions for sky-high inner-city murder rates. As black people finally begin to integrate into more mobile and mixed communities, the Monster is in retreat."Not soon enough for thousands of dead black men.
"Explicitly confronting the reality of how murder happens in American is the first step toward deciding that it is not acceptable, and that for too long black men have lived inadequately protected by the laws of their own country."I first heard about this book on the NYTimes podcast, which can be downloaded for free on iTunes.