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House of Huawei: The Secret History of China's Most Powerful Company
The untold story of the mysterious family dynasty at the center of China's Huawei.
On December 1, 2018, Meng Wanzhou, daughter of Ren Zhengfei, founder and CEO of China's most powerful company, Huawei Technologies, was detained at the request of U.S. authorities as she prepared to board a flight out of Vancouver, Canada. The detention of Huawei's female scion set the U.S.-China trade skirmish on fire - and, for the first time, revealed the Ren family's prominence in Beijing's power structure.
In The Listening State, acclaimed Washington Post reporter Eva Dou exposes the untold story of the rise of Ren Zhengfei and the mysterious family dynasty at the center of Huawei, whose connections to state apparatus reveal a deeper truth about China's surveillance web and its global ambitions. Through its technologies, Huawei has helped solidify and enforce China's growing police state, in which outspoken entrepreneurs like Jack Ma have been silenced, tycoons have disappeared, and executives must put patriotism above profit.
Based on over a decade of on-the-ground reporting and an astonishing trove of confidential documents never published in English, The Listening State paints an epic story of familial and political intrigue that shines a clarifying light on how business and government work together in an authoritarian state, and how companies fit into China's international ambitions under Xi Jinping.
The story of Ren Zhengfei and Huawei exposes the human face of China's modern security state and gets to the heart of the central questions of the U.S.-China trade How did these turbocharged Chinese companies emerge? Who really controls them? And what does China's growing surveillance web mean for the Chinese people - and for the rest of the world?
On December 1, 2018, Meng Wanzhou, daughter of Ren Zhengfei, founder and CEO of China's most powerful company, Huawei Technologies, was detained at the request of U.S. authorities as she prepared to board a flight out of Vancouver, Canada. The detention of Huawei's female scion set the U.S.-China trade skirmish on fire - and, for the first time, revealed the Ren family's prominence in Beijing's power structure.
In The Listening State, acclaimed Washington Post reporter Eva Dou exposes the untold story of the rise of Ren Zhengfei and the mysterious family dynasty at the center of Huawei, whose connections to state apparatus reveal a deeper truth about China's surveillance web and its global ambitions. Through its technologies, Huawei has helped solidify and enforce China's growing police state, in which outspoken entrepreneurs like Jack Ma have been silenced, tycoons have disappeared, and executives must put patriotism above profit.
Based on over a decade of on-the-ground reporting and an astonishing trove of confidential documents never published in English, The Listening State paints an epic story of familial and political intrigue that shines a clarifying light on how business and government work together in an authoritarian state, and how companies fit into China's international ambitions under Xi Jinping.
The story of Ren Zhengfei and Huawei exposes the human face of China's modern security state and gets to the heart of the central questions of the U.S.-China trade How did these turbocharged Chinese companies emerge? Who really controls them? And what does China's growing surveillance web mean for the Chinese people - and for the rest of the world?
448 pages, Hardcover
First published January 14, 2025
552 people are currently reading
7489 people want to read
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 160 reviews
January 27, 2025
A very interesting topic, that ... unfortunately, hasn't been turned into a good book.
How could that happen?
"House of Huawei" feels mostly like a detailed chronicle of Huawei composed of information that is already available (in news/articles already published). True, not everything is equally easily accessible (when it comes to China), so some digging was required, but the author doesn't mention any new interviews, doesn't quote anyone directly, and doesn't refer to any informers. Well, maybe the Chinese didn't trust her, so she had to scavenge what she could find, but it makes the book feel "flat".
On top of that, it's mostly reporting the noted facts. No in-depth analysis, no interpretation - on one hand, it initially creates an impression of absolute objectivism; on the other one, I had a feeling she would copy anything she finds without a deeper thought ("Hey, can this be bullshit PR?").
You won't learn much from "House of Huawei". Support of the Party? Yes. The ethos of extremely hard work? Yes. Conflict with ZTE? Yes. Constraints enforced by US sanctions (esp. regarding 5G)? Yes. But all the key questions remained unanswered - bah, what is more - it feels like the author didn't even try to answer them.
How could that happen?
"House of Huawei" feels mostly like a detailed chronicle of Huawei composed of information that is already available (in news/articles already published). True, not everything is equally easily accessible (when it comes to China), so some digging was required, but the author doesn't mention any new interviews, doesn't quote anyone directly, and doesn't refer to any informers. Well, maybe the Chinese didn't trust her, so she had to scavenge what she could find, but it makes the book feel "flat".
On top of that, it's mostly reporting the noted facts. No in-depth analysis, no interpretation - on one hand, it initially creates an impression of absolute objectivism; on the other one, I had a feeling she would copy anything she finds without a deeper thought ("Hey, can this be bullshit PR?").
You won't learn much from "House of Huawei". Support of the Party? Yes. The ethos of extremely hard work? Yes. Conflict with ZTE? Yes. Constraints enforced by US sanctions (esp. regarding 5G)? Yes. But all the key questions remained unanswered - bah, what is more - it feels like the author didn't even try to answer them.
March 18, 2025
Quite the detailed history of the Chinese company Huawei, its owner/founder and key executives. The history of the company and all of the intrigues surrounding it were very fascinating for much of the book. Sometimes the parts about Ren Zhengfei’s family although relevant to an extent were boring. Lots of information and speculation about the company's relationship to spying and the arrest and trial of Ren's daughter, Meng Wanzhou. Overall, a pretty interesting book. There is an excellent ‘Timeline of Events’ at the end of the book.
Thanks to Portfolio Books for the copy of the book to read and review.
Thanks to Portfolio Books for the copy of the book to read and review.
April 24, 2025
In House of Huawei, Washington Post technology policy reporter Eva Dou traces the history of Chinese technology firm Huawei, from its founding by Ren Zhengfei in 1987 to its various controversies and geopolitical tensions that extend to the present day. The inner workings and motives of the company are quite secretive, so Dou's research and coverage seems largely limited to information she could scour from published sources, rather than the approach of most business exposé books where investigative reporters track down as many primary sources as possible for interview and commentary (in an extreme example, John Carreyrou Bad Blood: Secrets and Lies in a Silicon Valley Startup). That being said, I don't think this was really in Dou's control given her subject matter here. For casual readers, this book will likely read as an info dump, but for those with a vested or prior interest in global technology and West-China relations, this book will be an interesting read.
My statistics:
Book 126 for 2025
Book 2052 cumulatively
My statistics:
Book 126 for 2025
Book 2052 cumulatively
January 22, 2025
I'm very interested in Huawei -- as a technology developer, as a major force in geopolitics, and as a business case study. This book is probably the best summary of Huawei I've found, but is essentially journalism and not really high quality analysis or insight (technical or business or political).
Overall -- Huawei may or may not have some military origins (although not anywhere near as much as true state owned enterprises such as ZTE), and has some level of involvement by MSS (unclear how much, and it is absolutely clear that their competitors globally, including US and European companies, have massive intelligence involvement). It's doing a great job at making good 5G carrier gear as well as high-end cellphones, including nearly cutting edge processors, but unfortunately this book didn't provide any insights into any of that beyond "these questions exist and here's some basic public information".
Overall -- Huawei may or may not have some military origins (although not anywhere near as much as true state owned enterprises such as ZTE), and has some level of involvement by MSS (unclear how much, and it is absolutely clear that their competitors globally, including US and European companies, have massive intelligence involvement). It's doing a great job at making good 5G carrier gear as well as high-end cellphones, including nearly cutting edge processors, but unfortunately this book didn't provide any insights into any of that beyond "these questions exist and here's some basic public information".
August 25, 2025
Huawei is the one global tech giant that is unmistakably Chinese — which makes it a perfect subject for a corporate history. House of Huawei captures some of the intrigue, but avoids the hardest questions.
The company’s governance, famously opaque, is treated as an afterthought. Yet Huawei’s “employee shareholding system” is not a detail; it is a microcosm of how power and opacity work in China. Likewise, its culture is only sketched but not filled in — a sharper, hungrier version of a typical Chinese firm, willing to push the limits but not fundamentally alien.
But the narrative leans too heavily on founder Ren Zhengfei and his family. While his role is undeniable, the best organizational histories introduce a cast of characters who collectively define the institution. Here, the supporting cast is absent.
More damaging are the omissions. How exactly did Huawei succeed? Were they selling at cost, outcompeting rivals with sales discipline, or genuinely innovating in smartphones? These are not trivial accomplishments, but the book provides no real answers. And on the central geopolitical question — whether Huawei serves the Chinese state — the author sidesteps. If this book cannot take a stance, who can?
Readable, House of Huawei is an introduction, not a definitive account. For a company as consequential as Huawei, the lack of explanation and argument leaves the reader unsatisfied.
The company’s governance, famously opaque, is treated as an afterthought. Yet Huawei’s “employee shareholding system” is not a detail; it is a microcosm of how power and opacity work in China. Likewise, its culture is only sketched but not filled in — a sharper, hungrier version of a typical Chinese firm, willing to push the limits but not fundamentally alien.
But the narrative leans too heavily on founder Ren Zhengfei and his family. While his role is undeniable, the best organizational histories introduce a cast of characters who collectively define the institution. Here, the supporting cast is absent.
More damaging are the omissions. How exactly did Huawei succeed? Were they selling at cost, outcompeting rivals with sales discipline, or genuinely innovating in smartphones? These are not trivial accomplishments, but the book provides no real answers. And on the central geopolitical question — whether Huawei serves the Chinese state — the author sidesteps. If this book cannot take a stance, who can?
Readable, House of Huawei is an introduction, not a definitive account. For a company as consequential as Huawei, the lack of explanation and argument leaves the reader unsatisfied.
February 18, 2025
This is a collection of information about Huawei, its creator and his team, controversies and accusations of spy activities for the People Republic of China. I was quite wary that the book can be directly or indirectly supporting one of the sides in the conflict, but the author definitely tries to be unbiased. My short summary: Huawei wasn’t created for spying but the authoritarian state they are in may have pushed them to (or maybe not). They are fine supporting other authoritarian regimes (Iraq, North Korea, Russia) as well as prosecution of minorities (esp. Uyghur) in China, playing the card: if not we then someone else would have done it.
Ren Zhengfei, the founder of the company was born in 1944. His father owned a bookstore, which among others, had a collection of communist books, for this it was closed. It hasn’t helped his dad, who in the communist China was arrested and spent 10 years in prison. Ren was reading a lot, in the 1960s working as military engineers (just construction, no communication). In 1979 Ren Zhengfei publishes a book about his invention A Floating-Ball Precision Pressure Generator—Air Pressure Balance. In 1987, when Shenzhen allows individuals to set up minjian private tech companies, Ren registered Huawei Technologies Co. Formally, there are five owners (who gave money or were in authority/party to push the project). The firm initially creates switches for telephone systems. As early as 1990 the company actively pushes R&D. Somewehere in 1991–1992 (exact date unclear) Huawei registers as a jitisuoyouzhi, or collectively owned company. Because of the limit of no more that 50 shareholders, all employees that own company stock are united into a trade union that represents them. Ren owns only about 1% of shares, the rest is in the trade union. Because the company was successful, it becomes one of eight companies selected by Beijing for a $1 billion national semiconductor development program in 1996.
The company enters the foreign markets: Hong Kong, Russia, developing countries, with much lower prices than its Western competitors and adequate quality. While there are rumors about possible backdoors, in some cases the company not only installs but operates the system. Charles Clancy, who was a research leader with the National Security Agency, told a Senate committee that Huawei’s managed services gave the company’s employees broad access to overseas networks without any hacks having to take place. “A back door is not needed if you already have a key to the front door.” The company through phony intermediaries supplies equipment to Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and North Korea. It cooperates with local authorities, which means compliance with e.g. tapping communications of opposition in Iran and Turkey.
Upon investigations by the USA the company representatives claim that they are not aware about Article 11 of China’s State Security Law: ‘A state security organ may inspect the electronic communication instruments and appliances and other similar equipment and installations belonging to any organization or individual.’ If, as Snowden shows, NSA actively tapped even partners like Germany and even had two moles in Huawei, it is reasonable to assume that PRC does the same if it can.
There is no bullet-proof evidence of any spying by Huawei for China, only indirect stuff like the report from the French newspaper Le Monde that published an exposé revealing that officials at the African Union’s headquarters had discovered its servers were mysteriously sending data to China each night between midnight and 2:00 a.m. The equipment in question had been supplied by Huawei. It has never been proven that any sensitive info was leaked that way. Moreover, in 2010 in the United Kingdom opens The Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre (HCSEC), commonly referred as “the Cell”, where Huawei will allow the UK government to examine its equipment for cybersecurity vulnerabilities. It was a center where UK officials could look under the hood of Huawei’s gear to see for themselves if it was safe, the first such center that Huawei had opened in the world. The Cell wasn’t too far from Cheltenham, where Britain’s signals-intelligence agency, GCHQ, the British equivalent to the NSA, was based. Huawei technically owned the Cell and supplied the funding, but GCHQ ran the show. Without clearance, Huawei executives couldn’t even access the center. The intelligence agency vetted prospective employees, requiring all staffers to have “Developed Vetting” security clearance, the level required for members of the British intelligence services. It meant that they were cleared for frequent, uncontrolled access to classified information. Therefore, after the USA started actively impeding Huawei's growth abroad, Brits were less than happy.
At the same time, there is proof that local Chinese security uses their tech to monitor Uyghurs. In 2016 Huawei was named the Xinjiang region’s strategic partner for deploying surveillance products. Dated January 8, 2018, the seven-page internal report outlining the test performance of a facial-recognition tracking system. It listed dozens of functions they had tested, such as “real-time face capture” and “offline maps.” There were two lines that jumped out:
Supports Offline File Uyghur Alarm: Passed
Supports Recognition Based on Age, Sex, Ethnicity and Angle of Facial Images: Passed
i.e. the system was trained to detect Uyghur not because they did anything but because they were Uyghur.
Overall, a good collection of publicly available data, and a worthy read.
Ren Zhengfei, the founder of the company was born in 1944. His father owned a bookstore, which among others, had a collection of communist books, for this it was closed. It hasn’t helped his dad, who in the communist China was arrested and spent 10 years in prison. Ren was reading a lot, in the 1960s working as military engineers (just construction, no communication). In 1979 Ren Zhengfei publishes a book about his invention A Floating-Ball Precision Pressure Generator—Air Pressure Balance. In 1987, when Shenzhen allows individuals to set up minjian private tech companies, Ren registered Huawei Technologies Co. Formally, there are five owners (who gave money or were in authority/party to push the project). The firm initially creates switches for telephone systems. As early as 1990 the company actively pushes R&D. Somewehere in 1991–1992 (exact date unclear) Huawei registers as a jitisuoyouzhi, or collectively owned company. Because of the limit of no more that 50 shareholders, all employees that own company stock are united into a trade union that represents them. Ren owns only about 1% of shares, the rest is in the trade union. Because the company was successful, it becomes one of eight companies selected by Beijing for a $1 billion national semiconductor development program in 1996.
The company enters the foreign markets: Hong Kong, Russia, developing countries, with much lower prices than its Western competitors and adequate quality. While there are rumors about possible backdoors, in some cases the company not only installs but operates the system. Charles Clancy, who was a research leader with the National Security Agency, told a Senate committee that Huawei’s managed services gave the company’s employees broad access to overseas networks without any hacks having to take place. “A back door is not needed if you already have a key to the front door.” The company through phony intermediaries supplies equipment to Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and North Korea. It cooperates with local authorities, which means compliance with e.g. tapping communications of opposition in Iran and Turkey.
Upon investigations by the USA the company representatives claim that they are not aware about Article 11 of China’s State Security Law: ‘A state security organ may inspect the electronic communication instruments and appliances and other similar equipment and installations belonging to any organization or individual.’ If, as Snowden shows, NSA actively tapped even partners like Germany and even had two moles in Huawei, it is reasonable to assume that PRC does the same if it can.
There is no bullet-proof evidence of any spying by Huawei for China, only indirect stuff like the report from the French newspaper Le Monde that published an exposé revealing that officials at the African Union’s headquarters had discovered its servers were mysteriously sending data to China each night between midnight and 2:00 a.m. The equipment in question had been supplied by Huawei. It has never been proven that any sensitive info was leaked that way. Moreover, in 2010 in the United Kingdom opens The Huawei Cyber Security Evaluation Centre (HCSEC), commonly referred as “the Cell”, where Huawei will allow the UK government to examine its equipment for cybersecurity vulnerabilities. It was a center where UK officials could look under the hood of Huawei’s gear to see for themselves if it was safe, the first such center that Huawei had opened in the world. The Cell wasn’t too far from Cheltenham, where Britain’s signals-intelligence agency, GCHQ, the British equivalent to the NSA, was based. Huawei technically owned the Cell and supplied the funding, but GCHQ ran the show. Without clearance, Huawei executives couldn’t even access the center. The intelligence agency vetted prospective employees, requiring all staffers to have “Developed Vetting” security clearance, the level required for members of the British intelligence services. It meant that they were cleared for frequent, uncontrolled access to classified information. Therefore, after the USA started actively impeding Huawei's growth abroad, Brits were less than happy.
At the same time, there is proof that local Chinese security uses their tech to monitor Uyghurs. In 2016 Huawei was named the Xinjiang region’s strategic partner for deploying surveillance products. Dated January 8, 2018, the seven-page internal report outlining the test performance of a facial-recognition tracking system. It listed dozens of functions they had tested, such as “real-time face capture” and “offline maps.” There were two lines that jumped out:
Supports Offline File Uyghur Alarm: Passed
Supports Recognition Based on Age, Sex, Ethnicity and Angle of Facial Images: Passed
i.e. the system was trained to detect Uyghur not because they did anything but because they were Uyghur.
Overall, a good collection of publicly available data, and a worthy read.
September 8, 2025
This is an outstanding journalistic account of the rise and flourishing of the Chinese technology firm Huawei that takes the reader from the firm’s origins up through the conclusion of a highly visible trial of its CFO in Canada as part of growing concerns over whether the firm is an arm of the Chinese government and thus a security risk or something less - a highly innovative firm that grew in part through its linkages with the government but has a more independent course.
What is the conclusion? Who knows!? And similar concerns could be raised about Apple, Microsoft, and other firms. An account such as Eva Dou provides in her book provides huge amounts of detail that go a long way towards establishing a link with the government. However, a book like this lacks - and will always lack - a clear account of the firm’s decision and its agency - so there will always be uncertainty about the key issues, especially given the complexity of geopolitics. So readers will need to draw their own conclusions - although it is clear why all the parties in the Huawei drama have gotten involved the way they did.
The situation at the end of Ms. Dow’s book can only have gotten more involved and filled with concerns about the role of government with tech firms since the 2024 election and the coming of the second Trump administration, along with its tariffs and hostile foreign policy. Too bad an update of Ms. Dow’s book is unlikely.
For someone interested in getting up to speed on Huawei and its strategies, this is a fine book and a requirement for further reading.
What is the conclusion? Who knows!? And similar concerns could be raised about Apple, Microsoft, and other firms. An account such as Eva Dou provides in her book provides huge amounts of detail that go a long way towards establishing a link with the government. However, a book like this lacks - and will always lack - a clear account of the firm’s decision and its agency - so there will always be uncertainty about the key issues, especially given the complexity of geopolitics. So readers will need to draw their own conclusions - although it is clear why all the parties in the Huawei drama have gotten involved the way they did.
The situation at the end of Ms. Dow’s book can only have gotten more involved and filled with concerns about the role of government with tech firms since the 2024 election and the coming of the second Trump administration, along with its tariffs and hostile foreign policy. Too bad an update of Ms. Dow’s book is unlikely.
For someone interested in getting up to speed on Huawei and its strategies, this is a fine book and a requirement for further reading.
February 19, 2025
Very interesting, if rosy, account
January 17, 2025
[Work read and mostly read in December but I held off marking it finished for my interview with the author to come out]
If you even remotely pay attention to US foreign policy you've probably heard of Huawei in the context of national security (in conversations that frankly parallel those about TikTok). If you're not American, you know the company for their phones or their 5G tech. Huawei, despite a rough few years that included the arrest of its founder's daughter (the company's CFO in 2018 in Canada), continues to lead global markets in 5G equipment sales.
Dou's book traces the company's history with an unparalleled level of detail, from it's founder Ren Zhengfei's upbringing amid the Cultural Revolution, to it's early days as just one of many nascent tech companies, to its extraordinary growth in the last decade -- and all along the way the ways the Chinese state has touched the company and the ways the company has become a critical aspect of Beijing's economic and geopolitical aspirations, as Dou told me.
It's definitely an "in the weeds" book, not necessarily for the casual reader, with lots of details about the telecommunications industry and how business works in China.
If you even remotely pay attention to US foreign policy you've probably heard of Huawei in the context of national security (in conversations that frankly parallel those about TikTok). If you're not American, you know the company for their phones or their 5G tech. Huawei, despite a rough few years that included the arrest of its founder's daughter (the company's CFO in 2018 in Canada), continues to lead global markets in 5G equipment sales.
Dou's book traces the company's history with an unparalleled level of detail, from it's founder Ren Zhengfei's upbringing amid the Cultural Revolution, to it's early days as just one of many nascent tech companies, to its extraordinary growth in the last decade -- and all along the way the ways the Chinese state has touched the company and the ways the company has become a critical aspect of Beijing's economic and geopolitical aspirations, as Dou told me.
It's definitely an "in the weeds" book, not necessarily for the casual reader, with lots of details about the telecommunications industry and how business works in China.
June 21, 2025
Excellent reconstruction of Huawei’s history. Had no idea how deep the lore went.
Also probably one of the best single books to read to get a grasp on how chinese industrial policy/economic dev in the 90s/2000s occurred.
Also probably one of the best single books to read to get a grasp on how chinese industrial policy/economic dev in the 90s/2000s occurred.
June 23, 2025
Very strong second half. A great piece of journalism that defies the odds since so little information is public on this subject. Was much more interesting to read about the company as a geopolitical pawn than its origin story.
July 20, 2025
Interesting story
March 5, 2025
I took a quick look at a few sections, but did read the last chapter carefully, so my opinion may not be an accurate assessment of the book. This book is clearly biased and feels a little dated already given the development in the last couple of years.
May 18, 2025
This book club read was a perfect addition to my 'read China' endeavour. Written by the business journalist Eva Dou, it traces the rise of the Chinese company Huawei into world leadership in 5G and its controversial ban by many Western countries. In the process, the book is also a good primer on the growth of China-style capitalism in the country.
Dou chronicles the life of founder Ren Zhengfai, his less-than-fortunate childhood (his school teacher father served in a labour camp during Mao's Cultural Revolution), the opportunities he grabs in the Deng Xiaoping era to form Huawei and the world leadership he drives Huawei to in the 2000s.
How tied in with the Chinese government is Huawei, and do they really spy for them? Do they supply sensitive technology to Iran and North Korea? Did it provide ethnic-based surveillance tech to the Chinese government for it to target the Uighars? Dou speculates on all of this and more, as she describes Huawei becoming a symbol of the West's distrust of China. The book gives someone like me, with a peripheral knowledge of the Huawei story, a good lesson on it. It may not be good enough for those looking for greater depth and opinion.
A moderate recommend.
Dou chronicles the life of founder Ren Zhengfai, his less-than-fortunate childhood (his school teacher father served in a labour camp during Mao's Cultural Revolution), the opportunities he grabs in the Deng Xiaoping era to form Huawei and the world leadership he drives Huawei to in the 2000s.
How tied in with the Chinese government is Huawei, and do they really spy for them? Do they supply sensitive technology to Iran and North Korea? Did it provide ethnic-based surveillance tech to the Chinese government for it to target the Uighars? Dou speculates on all of this and more, as she describes Huawei becoming a symbol of the West's distrust of China. The book gives someone like me, with a peripheral knowledge of the Huawei story, a good lesson on it. It may not be good enough for those looking for greater depth and opinion.
A moderate recommend.
May 4, 2025
May the 4th Be With You - Star Wars Day
Huawei’s emergence as one of the most powerful tech companies in the world is a story of ambition, persistence, and the complicated terrain of global politics. In "House of Huawei", Eva Dou explores the company’s deep roots, rapid expansion, and the growing scrutiny it has faced as it climbed to the top of the telecommunications industry. The book does not simply follow the company’s timeline — it delves into the people, policies, and politics that shaped Huawei’s destiny, beginning with its founder, Ren Zhengfei, and extending to international tensions that led to the arrest of his daughter, Meng Wanzhou. The account is rich in historical context and global developments, providing readers with a comprehensive view of how Huawei became emblematic of the changing balance of global technological power.
Ren Zhengfei was born in 1944 in a poor region of China’s Guizhou province. Life in rural China during that period was difficult, and Ren experienced firsthand the hardship and scarcity of the time. After completing university, he joined the military and worked in engineering-related roles. Though critics have pointed to this military background as suspicious, Ren has maintained that his role involved basic construction tasks and was unrelated to telecommunications. His service nonetheless helped him gain trust within the establishment, and he later became a member of the Chinese Communist Party — a decision that, while common for the era, would later draw attention due to his company’s rise in influence.
In the early 1980s, China was undergoing massive economic reforms, opening its doors to market-driven practices. The city of Shenzhen, close to the capitalist hub of Hong Kong, was designated a Special Economic Zone, created to attract foreign investment while shielding the country from potential cultural influences. When Ren visited Shenzhen during its early development, he saw the potential for business and innovation. In 1987, he founded Huawei, initially focusing on selling telephone switches. The goal was not just distribution but innovation — Ren wanted Huawei to produce its own sophisticated telecommunications products.
By the 1990s, Huawei was aiming to design advanced digital switches capable of handling tens of thousands of calls. The company’s early engineers worked under intense pressure, often sleeping in their offices and enduring harsh conditions. Despite the challenges, Huawei succeeded in building systems that allowed China to become less reliant on imported technology. This achievement aligned with national priorities, as a self-sufficient tech infrastructure was seen as critical to China's modernization. Huawei’s progress was thus viewed positively by many in the Chinese government, and its potential uses in areas like surveillance were acknowledged as part of its utility in a rapidly digitizing society.
Ren’s ambitions extended beyond China. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, Huawei expanded into global markets, often beginning with developing countries that were underserved by existing telecom providers. Working in regions with political instability and limited infrastructure, Huawei’s employees faced tough conditions. These overseas deployments became a hallmark of company culture, seen as trials that built resilience and loyalty. Huawei’s leadership adopted a quasi-military structure internally, emphasizing discipline and teamwork, reflective of Ren’s own background and management philosophy. Through this strategy, the company grew rapidly, opening offices around the world and challenging Western firms in various markets.
The company’s success wasn’t without internal strain. By the mid-2000s, some employees faced extreme work-related stress, and several cases of overwork-related health issues and even deaths were reported. This led to a national conversation in China about corporate pressure and worker wellbeing. Huawei responded by implementing policies to reduce overtime and reframing its demanding culture in more positive terms. Despite these challenges, Huawei continued to flourish, building a vast campus and becoming one of China’s most valuable and admired private enterprises.
As Huawei’s international footprint expanded, so did the level of scrutiny. In the United States, questions began to emerge about the company’s structure, governance, and possible ties to the Chinese state. In 2011, in an effort to improve transparency and build trust, Huawei invited the U.S. government to investigate its operations. The subsequent congressional report concluded that Huawei and other Chinese companies could not be considered free from state influence, sparking concern about their presence in critical infrastructure like telecommunications networks. Although Huawei denied any wrongdoing and reaffirmed its independence, the report shaped public and governmental attitudes in the West for years to come.
In the midst of these concerns, attention turned to Huawei’s business dealings in countries like Iran. In particular, a company called Skycom — believed to be a proxy for Huawei — was discovered to have done business in Iran during a period when U.S. sanctions were in place. Meng Wanzhou, Huawei’s CFO and Ren Zhengfei’s daughter, was listed as a board member of Skycom. When this connection was brought to light, it prompted further investigation and concern from international financial institutions. Although Meng defended the legality of Huawei’s actions, the issue continued to simmer under the surface of broader geopolitical tensions.
In 2018, those tensions boiled over. Meng Wanzhou was detained in Canada on behalf of the United States, which sought her extradition on fraud charges related to Huawei’s dealings in Iran. Her arrest became a flashpoint in the already complex U.S.–China relationship. China responded with the detention of two Canadian citizens, which many observers saw as retaliation. Meng remained under house arrest in Vancouver for nearly three years, during which Huawei’s position in the global tech sector was increasingly contested. The U.S. escalated its campaign against the company, citing national security concerns and issuing sanctions that restricted Huawei’s access to critical American technologies, including semiconductors and software.
While some countries followed the U.S. lead in limiting Huawei’s role in their 5G infrastructure, others maintained a neutral or supportive stance. Some leaders publicly stated they had no issue with Huawei’s presence, citing their country’s transparency or lack of secrets. Meanwhile, the sanctions significantly impacted Huawei’s supply chain, forcing the company to innovate and look for alternative solutions. Despite these constraints, Huawei continued to operate globally, even launching new smartphone models that raised questions about how it had managed to source or develop advanced components under the technology restrictions.
Meng was eventually released in 2021 after negotiations between the U.S. and Chinese governments. She returned to China to a hero’s welcome, while the two Canadian detainees were also freed. Although the incident was resolved diplomatically, it underscored the broader climate of mistrust between global powers. Huawei remained under pressure, but it had also demonstrated resilience in navigating both commercial and political challenges.
The story of Huawei is not one of simple villainy or heroism. Rather, it reflects the intricate and often conflicting dynamics of modern global business — where innovation, national interest, and political competition frequently overlap. In Huawei’s case, the company’s achievements in advancing communications technology, expanding global connectivity, and building one of the world’s most recognized brands are undeniable. At the same time, its story is entangled in the broader narrative of U.S.–China rivalry, where technology companies are increasingly viewed through the lens of national security.
Eva Dou’s "House of Huawei" invites readers to see beyond headlines and controversies, encouraging a deeper understanding of how a single company can come to symbolize both technological advancement and geopolitical uncertainty. While perspectives on Huawei may differ depending on one’s political position or national interests, the company’s journey offers a compelling case study of 21st-century global complexity — one in which innovation, identity, and power all intersect.
Huawei’s emergence as one of the most powerful tech companies in the world is a story of ambition, persistence, and the complicated terrain of global politics. In "House of Huawei", Eva Dou explores the company’s deep roots, rapid expansion, and the growing scrutiny it has faced as it climbed to the top of the telecommunications industry. The book does not simply follow the company’s timeline — it delves into the people, policies, and politics that shaped Huawei’s destiny, beginning with its founder, Ren Zhengfei, and extending to international tensions that led to the arrest of his daughter, Meng Wanzhou. The account is rich in historical context and global developments, providing readers with a comprehensive view of how Huawei became emblematic of the changing balance of global technological power.
Ren Zhengfei was born in 1944 in a poor region of China’s Guizhou province. Life in rural China during that period was difficult, and Ren experienced firsthand the hardship and scarcity of the time. After completing university, he joined the military and worked in engineering-related roles. Though critics have pointed to this military background as suspicious, Ren has maintained that his role involved basic construction tasks and was unrelated to telecommunications. His service nonetheless helped him gain trust within the establishment, and he later became a member of the Chinese Communist Party — a decision that, while common for the era, would later draw attention due to his company’s rise in influence.
In the early 1980s, China was undergoing massive economic reforms, opening its doors to market-driven practices. The city of Shenzhen, close to the capitalist hub of Hong Kong, was designated a Special Economic Zone, created to attract foreign investment while shielding the country from potential cultural influences. When Ren visited Shenzhen during its early development, he saw the potential for business and innovation. In 1987, he founded Huawei, initially focusing on selling telephone switches. The goal was not just distribution but innovation — Ren wanted Huawei to produce its own sophisticated telecommunications products.
By the 1990s, Huawei was aiming to design advanced digital switches capable of handling tens of thousands of calls. The company’s early engineers worked under intense pressure, often sleeping in their offices and enduring harsh conditions. Despite the challenges, Huawei succeeded in building systems that allowed China to become less reliant on imported technology. This achievement aligned with national priorities, as a self-sufficient tech infrastructure was seen as critical to China's modernization. Huawei’s progress was thus viewed positively by many in the Chinese government, and its potential uses in areas like surveillance were acknowledged as part of its utility in a rapidly digitizing society.
Ren’s ambitions extended beyond China. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, Huawei expanded into global markets, often beginning with developing countries that were underserved by existing telecom providers. Working in regions with political instability and limited infrastructure, Huawei’s employees faced tough conditions. These overseas deployments became a hallmark of company culture, seen as trials that built resilience and loyalty. Huawei’s leadership adopted a quasi-military structure internally, emphasizing discipline and teamwork, reflective of Ren’s own background and management philosophy. Through this strategy, the company grew rapidly, opening offices around the world and challenging Western firms in various markets.
The company’s success wasn’t without internal strain. By the mid-2000s, some employees faced extreme work-related stress, and several cases of overwork-related health issues and even deaths were reported. This led to a national conversation in China about corporate pressure and worker wellbeing. Huawei responded by implementing policies to reduce overtime and reframing its demanding culture in more positive terms. Despite these challenges, Huawei continued to flourish, building a vast campus and becoming one of China’s most valuable and admired private enterprises.
As Huawei’s international footprint expanded, so did the level of scrutiny. In the United States, questions began to emerge about the company’s structure, governance, and possible ties to the Chinese state. In 2011, in an effort to improve transparency and build trust, Huawei invited the U.S. government to investigate its operations. The subsequent congressional report concluded that Huawei and other Chinese companies could not be considered free from state influence, sparking concern about their presence in critical infrastructure like telecommunications networks. Although Huawei denied any wrongdoing and reaffirmed its independence, the report shaped public and governmental attitudes in the West for years to come.
In the midst of these concerns, attention turned to Huawei’s business dealings in countries like Iran. In particular, a company called Skycom — believed to be a proxy for Huawei — was discovered to have done business in Iran during a period when U.S. sanctions were in place. Meng Wanzhou, Huawei’s CFO and Ren Zhengfei’s daughter, was listed as a board member of Skycom. When this connection was brought to light, it prompted further investigation and concern from international financial institutions. Although Meng defended the legality of Huawei’s actions, the issue continued to simmer under the surface of broader geopolitical tensions.
In 2018, those tensions boiled over. Meng Wanzhou was detained in Canada on behalf of the United States, which sought her extradition on fraud charges related to Huawei’s dealings in Iran. Her arrest became a flashpoint in the already complex U.S.–China relationship. China responded with the detention of two Canadian citizens, which many observers saw as retaliation. Meng remained under house arrest in Vancouver for nearly three years, during which Huawei’s position in the global tech sector was increasingly contested. The U.S. escalated its campaign against the company, citing national security concerns and issuing sanctions that restricted Huawei’s access to critical American technologies, including semiconductors and software.
While some countries followed the U.S. lead in limiting Huawei’s role in their 5G infrastructure, others maintained a neutral or supportive stance. Some leaders publicly stated they had no issue with Huawei’s presence, citing their country’s transparency or lack of secrets. Meanwhile, the sanctions significantly impacted Huawei’s supply chain, forcing the company to innovate and look for alternative solutions. Despite these constraints, Huawei continued to operate globally, even launching new smartphone models that raised questions about how it had managed to source or develop advanced components under the technology restrictions.
Meng was eventually released in 2021 after negotiations between the U.S. and Chinese governments. She returned to China to a hero’s welcome, while the two Canadian detainees were also freed. Although the incident was resolved diplomatically, it underscored the broader climate of mistrust between global powers. Huawei remained under pressure, but it had also demonstrated resilience in navigating both commercial and political challenges.
The story of Huawei is not one of simple villainy or heroism. Rather, it reflects the intricate and often conflicting dynamics of modern global business — where innovation, national interest, and political competition frequently overlap. In Huawei’s case, the company’s achievements in advancing communications technology, expanding global connectivity, and building one of the world’s most recognized brands are undeniable. At the same time, its story is entangled in the broader narrative of U.S.–China rivalry, where technology companies are increasingly viewed through the lens of national security.
Eva Dou’s "House of Huawei" invites readers to see beyond headlines and controversies, encouraging a deeper understanding of how a single company can come to symbolize both technological advancement and geopolitical uncertainty. While perspectives on Huawei may differ depending on one’s political position or national interests, the company’s journey offers a compelling case study of 21st-century global complexity — one in which innovation, identity, and power all intersect.
June 27, 2025
Eva Dou’s “House of Huawei” delivers a masterful exposé of the enigmatic telecommunications giant that reshaped global technology and geopolitics. Washington Post technology reporter Dou meticulously traces Huawei’s journey from a small Shenzhen startup to a corporate behemoth, unraveling the intricate ties between its reclusive founder, Ren Zhengfei, and the Chinese state apparatus. The book’s greatest strength lies in its balanced yet unflinching examination of Huawei’s dual identity: a driver of innovation and a vehicle for Beijing’s strategic ambitions. Ren Zhengfei’s formative experiences—surviving the Cultural Revolution and his military background—forged Huawei’s “wolf culture” of relentless ambition and resilience. Dou reveals how these traits fueled aggressive expansion into high-risk markets like Iran and Libya, while Huawei’s employee ownership model masked opaque governance structures influenced by internal Communist Party committees. The 2018 detention of Ren’s daughter, CFO Meng Wanzhou, becomes a pivotal lens for exploring U.S.-China tensions, illustrating how Huawei’s rise triggered security fears and trade wars. Dou’s research excels in demystifying Huawei’s technological dominance, particularly in 5G, while confronting allegations of espionage and intellectual property theft. She acknowledges the company’s staggering R&D investments and adaptive survival tactics against U.S. sanctions, yet underscores a sobering truth: Huawei’s success is inextricable from state support and surveillance mandates. The narrative avoids sensationalism, instead presenting a nuanced portrait of corporate-state symbiosis in modern China. Critically, the book transcends corporate biography to frame Huawei as a microcosm of China’s global ascent—blending national pride with geopolitical friction. Dou’s access to confidential documents and interviews provides unprecedented depth, though the dense telecom industry details may challenge casual readers. Ultimately, “House of Huawei” is indispensable for understanding how technology, power, and authoritarian governance converge in the 21st century. Dou’s achievement is a timely, clear-eyed chronicle that transforms Huawei’s secretive legacy into a compelling study of ambition and influence.
April 9, 2025
To be honest, I haven’t followed developments around China or Huawei as closely as I should have — which is a bit of a shame. That made this book quite eye-opening for me, since most of the information was new.
The story reflects a growing reality: more and more tech companies around the world are being drawn into the orbit of state surveillance — and this issue isn't limited to China or North Korea. The book traces Huawei’s complex journey, highlighting how in countries like India, Russia, or China, doing business often means aligning with the government rather than opposing it — because the government is deeply embedded in business itself.
What’s remarkable is how Huawei managed to anticipate political shifts and stay on the right side of the Chinese authorities. One moment that really stood out was when the founder’s daughter calmly handed over her phone and laptop to officials — perhaps a reflection of a culture where cooperation with the government is seen as a given.
The author makes an important point: Huawei isn’t unique. From IBM to other major corporations, many have worked with authoritarian regimes, including during the Nazi era. Interestingly, the book refrains from taking a strong stance — it lets the reader form their own opinion.
What I found lacking, though, was any deep dive into Huawei’s actual technology or business strategy. I would’ve loved more insight into how they developed their tech and achieved global competitiveness.
The story reflects a growing reality: more and more tech companies around the world are being drawn into the orbit of state surveillance — and this issue isn't limited to China or North Korea. The book traces Huawei’s complex journey, highlighting how in countries like India, Russia, or China, doing business often means aligning with the government rather than opposing it — because the government is deeply embedded in business itself.
What’s remarkable is how Huawei managed to anticipate political shifts and stay on the right side of the Chinese authorities. One moment that really stood out was when the founder’s daughter calmly handed over her phone and laptop to officials — perhaps a reflection of a culture where cooperation with the government is seen as a given.
The author makes an important point: Huawei isn’t unique. From IBM to other major corporations, many have worked with authoritarian regimes, including during the Nazi era. Interestingly, the book refrains from taking a strong stance — it lets the reader form their own opinion.
What I found lacking, though, was any deep dive into Huawei’s actual technology or business strategy. I would’ve loved more insight into how they developed their tech and achieved global competitiveness.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
May 24, 2025
Huawei’s history is full of parallels to 2025’s trade war and the news surrounding Deepseek’s LLM. We’ll never know how intentionally China controlled Huawei as they were perilously accused. The author does a great job explaining China’s business culture and economic transitions and the different ways in which the state and business intersect.
“ZTE’s plight set off alarm bells across China. Security hawks in Beijing saw it as proof that the country needed to reduce its reliance on US technology as fast as possible. For years, the idea that Washington could assassinate Chinese tech companies by severing their supply chains had floated in the realm of conspiracy theory. Few in Beijing believed that such a thing was possible in an age of globalized supply chains. But now it was real.”
“Business was heavily based on guanxi, or personal connections. And building guanxi with prospective clients involved heavy rounds of drinking and lavish gifts… Polite protocol for a business dinner involved breaking out the baijiu, a clear sorghum spirit that has an eye-watering 120-proof kick, and pouring round and round of shots over a rotating parade of exquisite side dishes. The protocol also involved getting drunker than your clients to show respect for them. One early Huawei executive wrote about having to excuse himself for a vomit break while entertaining customers - not an uncommon occurrence.
“ZTE’s plight set off alarm bells across China. Security hawks in Beijing saw it as proof that the country needed to reduce its reliance on US technology as fast as possible. For years, the idea that Washington could assassinate Chinese tech companies by severing their supply chains had floated in the realm of conspiracy theory. Few in Beijing believed that such a thing was possible in an age of globalized supply chains. But now it was real.”
“Business was heavily based on guanxi, or personal connections. And building guanxi with prospective clients involved heavy rounds of drinking and lavish gifts… Polite protocol for a business dinner involved breaking out the baijiu, a clear sorghum spirit that has an eye-watering 120-proof kick, and pouring round and round of shots over a rotating parade of exquisite side dishes. The protocol also involved getting drunker than your clients to show respect for them. One early Huawei executive wrote about having to excuse himself for a vomit break while entertaining customers - not an uncommon occurrence.
May 13, 2025
House of Huawei: The Secret History of China's Most Powerful Company by Eva Dou is a sympathetic account to the Chinese tech titan. Dou is uninterested in a lot of details about Huawei's international connections, instead opting for a more intimate tail - first of Ren's quest to build a company, then its need to survive in a changing China, its rise to be a telecommunications giant, and its role at the epicenter of geopolitics. Wherever possible, a lot of the focus is on its leader and his daughter. In this, Dou is quite sympathetic to Huawei, and she does a lot to normalize the company, while celebrating its successes. I'm left a little torn, because I feel like a lot of the story is left out. Worth a read, but I think there needs to be some supplementary material added for more context.
January 15, 2025
Engrossing. Masterful reporting. Essential reading.
One of the best business books I’ve read.
Excellent history for layperson American that knows mostly just what’s taught about Chinese history.
Straightforward writing without feeling like a textbook. Good mix of personal, historical, and business.
Beginning days’ work ethic awe-inspiring.
“If the shoes didn’t fit they had to cut their shoes.”
This reminds me of “Elon Musk” by Walter Isaacson in that it’s relatively long with an enormous amount of otherwise unreported interesting information about and around people that do shocking things in building wildly successful businesses that could serve as kind of a case study for one way to grow to be a behemoth.
One of the best business books I’ve read.
Excellent history for layperson American that knows mostly just what’s taught about Chinese history.
Straightforward writing without feeling like a textbook. Good mix of personal, historical, and business.
Beginning days’ work ethic awe-inspiring.
“If the shoes didn’t fit they had to cut their shoes.”
This reminds me of “Elon Musk” by Walter Isaacson in that it’s relatively long with an enormous amount of otherwise unreported interesting information about and around people that do shocking things in building wildly successful businesses that could serve as kind of a case study for one way to grow to be a behemoth.
April 11, 2025
Start with this excerpt from Wikipedia:
Huawei is remarkable by any definition of a remarkable company. It got to the top of its field in 5G last decade, showing it could do "homegrown" innovation. It's had staff (ostensibly) die of overwork, stay around for longer than advisable in warzones, and a diplomatic-spat-level-high-profile CFO detainment. And now it sells everything from switches to phones to cars.
The company certainly deserves the attention it got during Trump's first term. There are several comments gravitating around any Huawei conversation that could branch off into their own topic, like how a Chinese upstart could reach the heights of telecommunications that Americans decided to give up when they broke up AT&T. Eva Dou did a decent job tracking the timeline of events that surrounded Huawei from inception to Trumpian downfall.
Unfortunately, that's most of what the book does - it tracks a timeline. The company's turnaround in the last few years is not really discussed, despite this book being published in 2025. Politics are emphasized beyond probable relevance - and that's saying something! - and it makes you realize the book was certainly written by a journalist. Despite that, there is very little new information. It seems like the author didn't get a chance to interview many people; the book is superficial. I don't take this shallowness too much to its detriment - there are quite a few books on Huawei, and perhaps they're more insightful.
Perhaps that's the greatest longing I got from reading this book: I wish it was written by a Vikram Sekar type. Or even a semiconductor analyst. Someone with a greater understanding of and interest in the technologies at play would have provided a much richer history of the company's achievements, questionable practices, and risks. But alas, only (very few) journalists get book leaves from their work. I think Qualcomm should adopt the practice, and let someone like Vikram write a book or two about their industry.
According to the company founder Ren Zhengfei, the name Huawei comes from a slogan he saw on a wall, "Zhonghua youwei" meaning "China has achievements" (中华有为; Zhōng huá yǒu wéi), when he was starting up the company and needed a name. (...) Huawei has also been translated as "splendid achievement" or "China is able," which are possible readings of the name.
Huawei is remarkable by any definition of a remarkable company. It got to the top of its field in 5G last decade, showing it could do "homegrown" innovation. It's had staff (ostensibly) die of overwork, stay around for longer than advisable in warzones, and a diplomatic-spat-level-high-profile CFO detainment. And now it sells everything from switches to phones to cars.
The company certainly deserves the attention it got during Trump's first term. There are several comments gravitating around any Huawei conversation that could branch off into their own topic, like how a Chinese upstart could reach the heights of telecommunications that Americans decided to give up when they broke up AT&T. Eva Dou did a decent job tracking the timeline of events that surrounded Huawei from inception to Trumpian downfall.
Unfortunately, that's most of what the book does - it tracks a timeline. The company's turnaround in the last few years is not really discussed, despite this book being published in 2025. Politics are emphasized beyond probable relevance - and that's saying something! - and it makes you realize the book was certainly written by a journalist. Despite that, there is very little new information. It seems like the author didn't get a chance to interview many people; the book is superficial. I don't take this shallowness too much to its detriment - there are quite a few books on Huawei, and perhaps they're more insightful.
Perhaps that's the greatest longing I got from reading this book: I wish it was written by a Vikram Sekar type. Or even a semiconductor analyst. Someone with a greater understanding of and interest in the technologies at play would have provided a much richer history of the company's achievements, questionable practices, and risks. But alas, only (very few) journalists get book leaves from their work. I think Qualcomm should adopt the practice, and let someone like Vikram write a book or two about their industry.
April 3, 2025
My fascination with Huawai began when I walked into what I thought would be the Apple store in Shanghai. Fashioned with high white ceilings and see through windows, they had everything from smartwatches, to trifold phones, to cars.
The book captures the journey of this behemoth, interspersing it with the history of Modern China. It's fast paced, sprinkled with ample references, and manages to capture to readers attention even while stitching together pieces of publicly available information.
I came away understanding a lot more about the cultural, political and technological shift that has happened inside China, while being fearful of the power that multi-national conglomerates controlling the base communication infrastructure hold.
The book captures the journey of this behemoth, interspersing it with the history of Modern China. It's fast paced, sprinkled with ample references, and manages to capture to readers attention even while stitching together pieces of publicly available information.
I came away understanding a lot more about the cultural, political and technological shift that has happened inside China, while being fearful of the power that multi-national conglomerates controlling the base communication infrastructure hold.
August 13, 2025
This history of Huawei was fine, but not much more than that. While all the information is there, the experience of reading felt very much like reading a Wikipedia article about the company. I was hoping for more literary flair or deep analysis.
March 12, 2025
Politics.
Everywhere.
In every single page.
Everywhere.
In every single page.
June 4, 2025
If you've followed the news, you probably know most of the facts presented.
Could have been so much better.
Could have been so much better.
June 15, 2025
Well researched. Tells a good story of Huawei’s growth and Ren Zhengfei’s bio.
June 23, 2025
Learned a lot here. This book has a chronological recitation of events, and for that I am grateful. It lacks—not surprisingly—any insight into the people and personalities behind the company it describes.
June 24, 2025
good book , pretty balanced overall
August 6, 2025
A reasonable read, would have been better with better chronological editing and a move away from journalistic reporting. Good in bits and bobs. Could have been great!!
July 2, 2025
Huawei is an immensely successful Chinese multinational communications company, evoking awe, admiration, fear, and suspicion among Americans. The company makes internet routers, bridges, switches, cell phones, tablets, computers, and much more. It employs 208,000 people with an annual revenue of $118 billion in 2024. One hundred and seventy countries in the world use Huawei products serving over 40 percent of the world’s population. Still, many countries suspect Huawei of malpractice more than they do American companies. As the US government alleges, is Huawei’s close connection to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) the reason? Or does global envy fuel the reaction to a Chinese firm’s 5G lead? Author Eva Dou, a Washington Post journalist, examines Huawei in depth in this book, from its founding to the present day. She brings extensive journalistic experience to her investigation, using thorough archival research to craft this comprehensive work. It contains a biography of the corporation, its meteoric rise and accompanying controversies, sketches of its founding family, and its geopolitical intrigues.
Ren Zhongfei is the reclusive CEO of Huawei. He founded the company in the new economic zone of Shenzhen in 1987. Ren was not an idealist, but a practical man as he built Huawei. He believed patriotism is a fundamental requirement in a Huawei employee. Early on, he counseled younger workers not to be too idealistic and keep their hopes for fairness under check. His notion of freedom was abstract and Maoist—that it is understanding objectivity. Ren’s views on women employees were old-fashioned. In a speech to Huawei’s secretaries in the 1990s, he claimed female employees gossip and nag, undermining unity in the workplace. He viewed women as providing a moderating influence on the rigid male management team and helping to prevent conflicts between them. Even Sun Yafang, Huawei’s female chairperson, believed Huawei is a ‘male society’ where the most talented engineers garner the most respect.
Unlike Western communications companies, Huawei’s engineers were intrepid, as demanded by China’s penetration into all parts of the world. They ventured into war-torn countries around the world to sell and install Huawei’s devices. Some dodged bullets in war zones, others caught malaria or typhoid fever in swamps and hills. Still others hobbled on frostbitten feet across desolate tundras. One engineer posted in Burundi had a close call with a hippo, while others stuck it out during the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone. When civil war broke out in Libya, Huawei engineers worked on both sides, keeping the communications going. In Kenya, Huawei helped Safaricom, a local company, develop their popular mobile payment system called M-Pesa. Huawei also provided ongoing maintenance and managed services globally for their installed systems.
Huawei’s meteoric rise over the past three decades has come at a price. Many western countries suspect it to be an arm of Chinese intelligence to spy on western societies through their products. Western technology companies accuse it of stealing their intellectual property. Western civil society organizations accuse Huawei of helping dictators in Africa and elsewhere with surveillance and face-recognition software to suppress freedom and dissent in those countries. They have accused it of violating UN sanctions on Iran. In this review, I shall look at how the author explores the above questions.
How close is the relationship between Huawei and the Chinese communist party, military and intelligence? Since Huawei emerged as a company in the post-Maoist era, the communist party’s (CCP) role is much diminished. Private enterprise now handles many company decisions, yet the party keeps significant influence. Chinese companies require on-site party branches, headed by a party secretary. These secretaries ensure alignment with national goals and monitor employee ethics. Huawei has had its party branch since 1996, with Ren doubling as the first party secretary. In 1997, one-sixth of the R&D team comprised ‘party members’. By 2011, Huawei had 140,000 employees and 30,000 of them were party members. Huawei upgraded the party branch to a party committee in 1997 and Madam Chen Zhufang, at age sixty, became the party secretary. She often lectured younger engineers on morality, warning that karma would punish them if they abused their positions. She ran regular ‘democratic life meetings’, where attendees criticized themselves and one another, reminiscent of the Maoist idea of self-criticism. Chen had some autonomy and took some decisions without consulting Ren. Sun Yafang, the chairperson, is from China’s Ministry of State Security (MSS), and derived her power and strength from this background. She steered the company’s strategic direction and approved the selection and appointment of senior managers. There is haziness in Sun’s history as an intelligence officer and it is the source of intrigue for Western governments. Ren, when asked in later press meetings, did not confirm or deny that Sun Yafang had worked in China’s intelligence. In 2019, a Canadian media investigation alleged that Huawei might even be a state-owned company as 98.86% of the shares belonged to the opaque trade union. The remaining 1.14% are with Ren. This report doubted if the 98.86% shares belonged to Huawei’s employees as the company said. While maintaining objectivity, the author presents evidence that suggests potential culpability.
Huawei’s high-profile notoriety came with the arrest of Ren’s daughter and the CFO of Huawei, Ms. Meng Wanzhou, in Vancouver, Canada, in December 2018. The US sought her extradition on charges of bank and wire fraud related to Skycom, a Huawei shell company operating in Iran, violating UN sanctions. The Chinese government retaliated by arresting two Canadian citizens in China, Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, for espionage. After a swift trial, Spavor received a sentence of eleven years in prison, and Kovrig faced similar charges. Almost three years after Meng’s arrest, Canada and China settled the issue, with Meng and the two Canadians being released in September 2021. Meng had stayed in her home in Vancouver in comfort, while the two Canadians spent more than a thousand days incarcerated in China. Most Canadians believed China used the two Michaels as hostages by fabricating espionage charges against them. However, in November 2023, Michael Spavor sought millions of dollars in compensation from the Canadian government for his detention in China. He believed his arrest resulted from sensitive information he had shared with Michael Kovrig, who had relayed it to Western intelligence agencies. China asserted the correctness of its position and claimed the two Michaels were indeed spies.
Huawei’s other scandal was the lawsuit Cisco filed against them in February 2003. Cisco charged Huawei with stealing Cisco routers’ source code and using it without modification in their own routers. The bugs in Huawei’s routers mirrored those in Cisco’s routers, proving the copying charge. Additional charges included Huawei had infringed on at least five Cisco patents and copied its user manuals verbatim. Cisco also had a sting operation where they purchased a Huawei router and did forensic analysis as proof. Huawei was looking at astronomical fines in the US. But Huawei hit back by signing a strategic alliance and joint venture with the struggling Silicon Valley communications company, 3Com. It gave Huawei immediate legal protection through 3Com’s deep patent portfolio. 3Com benefited from the lower production costs of Huawei and access to the vast Chinese market. It was now harder for Cisco to block Huawei from pursuing new sales in the US. As for the charge about stealing the source code of Cisco routers, Huawei produced an explanation that few would believe. They told the court that a third party, not from Cisco, gave a Huawei employee a disk containing the source code. This employee used it conducting no due diligence! It was a onetime act by a rogue employee, and Huawei would not repeat such actions. While all this happened in 2003, I remember the gossip that was widespread in Silicon Valley within Cisco. People used to say that China threatened Cisco with cutting off their access to the Chinese market and Cisco’s CEO, John Chambers, buckled under this threat.
To what extent should we worry about Huawei’s alleged spying on countries that use their products? According to a 2018 report in Le Monde, Huawei servers at the African Union’s Addis Ababa headquarters were sending data to China between midnight and 2 a.m. each night. A media frenzy followed, but investigations showed Huawei was neither aware of the espionage nor took part in it. However, the scandal alerted countries that there were security risks in using Huawei gear. Western critics and companies cannot claim victory, though. Huawei’s conduct does not differ from what happens in the West. In 2014, CIA’s Edward Snowden revealed the US had hacked Chinese mobile operators and stolen millions of messages. The NSA was collecting almost five billion records of global cell phone location data every day. The NSA and its British counterpart, GCHQ, were tapping undersea cables carrying intercontinental phone calls and internet traffic. Snowden revealed the NSA had snooped on dozens of world leaders and bugged Cisco routers installed overseas. Privacy has ceased to exist. For the past twenty years, our online exposure has put our personal data at risk, wherever we live.
Author Dou takes an impartial approach in presenting Huawei as a complex, modern technological company at the edge of a communications revolution. She does not judge whether Huawei is a ‘clean’ company or a sinister arm of Chinese espionage. She lays out the facts and lets the reader come to their own conclusions. The accounts of the ‘party branch’ in Huawei and all other Chinese companies tell us the intricate ways in which Chinese corporate culture operates. It provides another perspective of state control and corporate governance in China, challenging Western preconceptions. Dou presents a humanizing portrait of Ren Zhongfei, starting as a Peoples’ Liberation Army engineer (PLA), growing into a struggling tech entrepreneur, and building a global communications empire. The book’s first sixteen chapters detail the company’s technology and growth. However, it is short on details of Huawei’s technology, innovations, and research. The book also lacks insights into the various business strategies Huawei adopted to become a global giant. Huawei’s global espionage activities remain unclear, as the book offers no definitive answer. A Chinese equivalent to Edward Snowden could provide crucial information about these activities.
Those seeking to understand Huawei and the broader dynamics shaping the global communications technology landscape will find the book an excellent read.
Ren Zhongfei is the reclusive CEO of Huawei. He founded the company in the new economic zone of Shenzhen in 1987. Ren was not an idealist, but a practical man as he built Huawei. He believed patriotism is a fundamental requirement in a Huawei employee. Early on, he counseled younger workers not to be too idealistic and keep their hopes for fairness under check. His notion of freedom was abstract and Maoist—that it is understanding objectivity. Ren’s views on women employees were old-fashioned. In a speech to Huawei’s secretaries in the 1990s, he claimed female employees gossip and nag, undermining unity in the workplace. He viewed women as providing a moderating influence on the rigid male management team and helping to prevent conflicts between them. Even Sun Yafang, Huawei’s female chairperson, believed Huawei is a ‘male society’ where the most talented engineers garner the most respect.
Unlike Western communications companies, Huawei’s engineers were intrepid, as demanded by China’s penetration into all parts of the world. They ventured into war-torn countries around the world to sell and install Huawei’s devices. Some dodged bullets in war zones, others caught malaria or typhoid fever in swamps and hills. Still others hobbled on frostbitten feet across desolate tundras. One engineer posted in Burundi had a close call with a hippo, while others stuck it out during the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone. When civil war broke out in Libya, Huawei engineers worked on both sides, keeping the communications going. In Kenya, Huawei helped Safaricom, a local company, develop their popular mobile payment system called M-Pesa. Huawei also provided ongoing maintenance and managed services globally for their installed systems.
Huawei’s meteoric rise over the past three decades has come at a price. Many western countries suspect it to be an arm of Chinese intelligence to spy on western societies through their products. Western technology companies accuse it of stealing their intellectual property. Western civil society organizations accuse Huawei of helping dictators in Africa and elsewhere with surveillance and face-recognition software to suppress freedom and dissent in those countries. They have accused it of violating UN sanctions on Iran. In this review, I shall look at how the author explores the above questions.
How close is the relationship between Huawei and the Chinese communist party, military and intelligence? Since Huawei emerged as a company in the post-Maoist era, the communist party’s (CCP) role is much diminished. Private enterprise now handles many company decisions, yet the party keeps significant influence. Chinese companies require on-site party branches, headed by a party secretary. These secretaries ensure alignment with national goals and monitor employee ethics. Huawei has had its party branch since 1996, with Ren doubling as the first party secretary. In 1997, one-sixth of the R&D team comprised ‘party members’. By 2011, Huawei had 140,000 employees and 30,000 of them were party members. Huawei upgraded the party branch to a party committee in 1997 and Madam Chen Zhufang, at age sixty, became the party secretary. She often lectured younger engineers on morality, warning that karma would punish them if they abused their positions. She ran regular ‘democratic life meetings’, where attendees criticized themselves and one another, reminiscent of the Maoist idea of self-criticism. Chen had some autonomy and took some decisions without consulting Ren. Sun Yafang, the chairperson, is from China’s Ministry of State Security (MSS), and derived her power and strength from this background. She steered the company’s strategic direction and approved the selection and appointment of senior managers. There is haziness in Sun’s history as an intelligence officer and it is the source of intrigue for Western governments. Ren, when asked in later press meetings, did not confirm or deny that Sun Yafang had worked in China’s intelligence. In 2019, a Canadian media investigation alleged that Huawei might even be a state-owned company as 98.86% of the shares belonged to the opaque trade union. The remaining 1.14% are with Ren. This report doubted if the 98.86% shares belonged to Huawei’s employees as the company said. While maintaining objectivity, the author presents evidence that suggests potential culpability.
Huawei’s high-profile notoriety came with the arrest of Ren’s daughter and the CFO of Huawei, Ms. Meng Wanzhou, in Vancouver, Canada, in December 2018. The US sought her extradition on charges of bank and wire fraud related to Skycom, a Huawei shell company operating in Iran, violating UN sanctions. The Chinese government retaliated by arresting two Canadian citizens in China, Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, for espionage. After a swift trial, Spavor received a sentence of eleven years in prison, and Kovrig faced similar charges. Almost three years after Meng’s arrest, Canada and China settled the issue, with Meng and the two Canadians being released in September 2021. Meng had stayed in her home in Vancouver in comfort, while the two Canadians spent more than a thousand days incarcerated in China. Most Canadians believed China used the two Michaels as hostages by fabricating espionage charges against them. However, in November 2023, Michael Spavor sought millions of dollars in compensation from the Canadian government for his detention in China. He believed his arrest resulted from sensitive information he had shared with Michael Kovrig, who had relayed it to Western intelligence agencies. China asserted the correctness of its position and claimed the two Michaels were indeed spies.
Huawei’s other scandal was the lawsuit Cisco filed against them in February 2003. Cisco charged Huawei with stealing Cisco routers’ source code and using it without modification in their own routers. The bugs in Huawei’s routers mirrored those in Cisco’s routers, proving the copying charge. Additional charges included Huawei had infringed on at least five Cisco patents and copied its user manuals verbatim. Cisco also had a sting operation where they purchased a Huawei router and did forensic analysis as proof. Huawei was looking at astronomical fines in the US. But Huawei hit back by signing a strategic alliance and joint venture with the struggling Silicon Valley communications company, 3Com. It gave Huawei immediate legal protection through 3Com’s deep patent portfolio. 3Com benefited from the lower production costs of Huawei and access to the vast Chinese market. It was now harder for Cisco to block Huawei from pursuing new sales in the US. As for the charge about stealing the source code of Cisco routers, Huawei produced an explanation that few would believe. They told the court that a third party, not from Cisco, gave a Huawei employee a disk containing the source code. This employee used it conducting no due diligence! It was a onetime act by a rogue employee, and Huawei would not repeat such actions. While all this happened in 2003, I remember the gossip that was widespread in Silicon Valley within Cisco. People used to say that China threatened Cisco with cutting off their access to the Chinese market and Cisco’s CEO, John Chambers, buckled under this threat.
To what extent should we worry about Huawei’s alleged spying on countries that use their products? According to a 2018 report in Le Monde, Huawei servers at the African Union’s Addis Ababa headquarters were sending data to China between midnight and 2 a.m. each night. A media frenzy followed, but investigations showed Huawei was neither aware of the espionage nor took part in it. However, the scandal alerted countries that there were security risks in using Huawei gear. Western critics and companies cannot claim victory, though. Huawei’s conduct does not differ from what happens in the West. In 2014, CIA’s Edward Snowden revealed the US had hacked Chinese mobile operators and stolen millions of messages. The NSA was collecting almost five billion records of global cell phone location data every day. The NSA and its British counterpart, GCHQ, were tapping undersea cables carrying intercontinental phone calls and internet traffic. Snowden revealed the NSA had snooped on dozens of world leaders and bugged Cisco routers installed overseas. Privacy has ceased to exist. For the past twenty years, our online exposure has put our personal data at risk, wherever we live.
Author Dou takes an impartial approach in presenting Huawei as a complex, modern technological company at the edge of a communications revolution. She does not judge whether Huawei is a ‘clean’ company or a sinister arm of Chinese espionage. She lays out the facts and lets the reader come to their own conclusions. The accounts of the ‘party branch’ in Huawei and all other Chinese companies tell us the intricate ways in which Chinese corporate culture operates. It provides another perspective of state control and corporate governance in China, challenging Western preconceptions. Dou presents a humanizing portrait of Ren Zhongfei, starting as a Peoples’ Liberation Army engineer (PLA), growing into a struggling tech entrepreneur, and building a global communications empire. The book’s first sixteen chapters detail the company’s technology and growth. However, it is short on details of Huawei’s technology, innovations, and research. The book also lacks insights into the various business strategies Huawei adopted to become a global giant. Huawei’s global espionage activities remain unclear, as the book offers no definitive answer. A Chinese equivalent to Edward Snowden could provide crucial information about these activities.
Those seeking to understand Huawei and the broader dynamics shaping the global communications technology landscape will find the book an excellent read.
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