How should one understand the nature and possibilities of political radicalism today? The political radical is normally thought of as someone who stands on the left, opposing backward-looking conservatism. In the present day, however, the left has turned defensive, while the right has become radical, advocating the free play of market forces no matter what osbtacles of tradition or custom stand in their way. What explains such a curious twist of perspective? In answering this question, Giddens develops a new framework for radical politics, drawing on what he calls "philosophic conservatism," but applying this outlook in the service of values normally associated with the left. The ecological crisis is at the core of this analysis, but is understood by Giddens in an unconventional way―as a response to a world in which modernity has run up against its independently human intervention, and the end of tradition, combined with the impact of globalization, are the forces which now have to be confronted, made use of and coped with. This book provides a powerful interpretation of the rise of fundamentalism, of democracy, the persistence of gender divisions and the question of a normative political theory of violence. It will be essential reading for anyone seeking a novel approach to the political challenges we face at the turn of the twenty-first century.
Anthony Giddens, Baron Giddens (born 18 January 1938) is a British sociologist who is renowned for his theory of structuration and his holistic view of modern societies. He is considered to be one of the most prominent modern contributors in the field of sociology, the author of at least 34 books, published in at least 29 languages, issuing on average more than one book every year. In 2007, Giddens was listed as the fifth most-referenced author of books in the humanities.
Three notable stages can be identified in his academic life. The first one involved outlining a new vision of what sociology is, presenting a theoretical and methodological understanding of that field, based on a critical reinterpretation of the classics. His major publications of that era include Capitalism and Modern Social Theory (1971) and New Rules of Sociological Method (1976). In the second stage Giddens developed the theory of structuration, an analysis of agency and structure, in which primacy is granted to neither. His works of that period, such as Central Problems in Social Theory (1979) and The Constitution of Society (1984), brought him international fame on the sociological arena.
The most recent stage concerns modernity, globalization and politics, especially the impact of modernity on social and personal life. This stage is reflected by his critique of postmodernity, and discussions of a new "utopian-realist"[3] third way in politics, visible in the Consequence of Modernity (1990), Modernity and Self-Identity (1991), The Transformation of Intimacy (1992), Beyond Left and Right (1994) and The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (1998). Giddens' ambition is both to recast social theory and to re-examine our understanding of the development and trajectory of modernity.
Currently Giddens serves as Emeritus Professor at the London School of Economics.
He never clearly argues anything, he just spends the whole book giving his rambly, non-sequitor-ridden view of the historical development of various theories and processes. Nothing is clearly stated and then examined, it's all rambly, he jumps from one topic to another on average every few sentences, he never examines the evidence for any proposition, as I mentioned, he barely makes any propositions at all. The ones he does he just takes as a given, he never provides evidence for them. He redefines established words, e.g. globalisation or 'accident' in Chapter 6. Yet, his definitions are never clear and measurable. He then moves on from the definitions immediately, assuming their acceptance, and thus builds nothing on top of nothing. He uses obscurantist and unclear language, eg 'the problem of democracy'. What does that mean? Does he mean democracy isn't representative enough and doesn't lead to equality? We don't know, he just says 'the problem with democracy is control of the means of violence'. None of that sentence is clearly defined, therefore it isn't measurable or testable. Ditto with 'manufactured uncertainty'. Completely useless book for anyone concerned with how the world is.
Secara garis besar pandangan Giddens terhadap gagasan politik radikal berada pada empat topik: bagaimana mengatasi kesenjangan sosial, penciptaan demokrasi yg dialogis, humanisme ekologis, dan pembatasan kekerasan. Semua itu muncul pada konteks dunia yg semakin terglobalisasi, reflektif, adanya proses detradisionalisasi, dan tentunya apa yg disebut Giddens sebagai "ketidakpastian buatan" (sebuah konsekuensi dr modernisasi baik kultural maupun fisik). Namun saya kira saran Giddens ttg solusi mengatasi kesenjangan sosial nampaknya masih sangat idealistik dan abstrak, malahan Giddens menyarankan adanya aktualisasi diri di tengah kemiskinan; seolah2 kebahagiaan dapat berdiri sendiri tanpa landasan materi.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
Es un libro de sociología muy adelantado para su tiempo (1994), pues realiza un análisis de las políticas radicales con mucho acierto. La diferenciación entre derecha e izquierda, seguirá existiendo en el terreno práctico de la política de partidos alrededor del mundo. La derecha neoliberal ha pasado a defender el predominio de los mercados, la eficiencia y la libertad, y la izquierda a favorecer un aumento del gasto público y la asistencia pública para contrarrestar la desigualdad. En la zona del centro hay varios partidos vinculados a distintos movimientos sociales, colectivos (LTBI, Ambientales, entre otros). Al final no me queda absolutamente claro para dónde iba el autor, y en ocasiones es, demasiado lento.
dapat satu bab. radikal itu bukan ban ternyata :D *garing on*
Salah satu yang menarik dari uraian awal Giddens adalah menyoal kanan-kiri, konservatif-radikal. Selain kanan-kiri menjadi sangat terkait dengan lokalitas politik setempat sebuah negara. Konservatif-radikal juga bisa relatif dari konteks waktu. Konservatif (to conserve) berarti melestarikan atau mempertahankan sesuatu yang dianggap sebagai tradisi. Radikal di sisi lain berarti berpikir mengakar dari sekedar kelaziman yang berlaku umum. Pada paruh 70-80-an yang menjadi radikal adalah kelompok neoliberal yang kanan yang sibuk menggadangkan konsep pasar sementara kubu kiri cenderung bertahan dengan sosialisme atau keynesian yang menengahi dengan konsep welfare state.
Dari uraian itu saja Giddens mencoba mengangkat makna dasar dari tipologi ideologi politik yang ada. Konservatisme politik tidak identik dengan tindakan yang dilakukan oleh kubu Konservatif. Di Inggris saat itu justru Thatcher sedang giat mengembangkan kebijakan ekonomi yang mengubah Keynesian yang mapan sejak pasca-PD II.
Yang repot dari buku ini sejauh saya membaca adalah pola kalimat yang cenderung tidak melulu SPOK. Kadang keterangan mendahului, kadang ada kata hubung di awal kalimat. Struktur kalimat demikian berkesan sekali bahasa lisannya, namun jadi kurang rapih dan terstruktur untuk mudah pembaca mencerna pesan kalimat si penulis.
I'm not really get it with the idea that called manufactured uncertainty. What is certain? Whatever is it, this book negate the end of history by Fancis Fukuyama by killing dualism concept by replacing it with Quadrant. Then the magic begin, Europe suddenly change his faces into this.