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No Shortcuts: Organizing for Power in the New Gilded Age
The crisis of the progressive movement is so evident that nothing less than a fundamental rethinking of its basic assumptions is required. Today's progressives now work for professional organizations more comfortable with the inside game in Washington DC (and capitols throughout the West), where they are outmatched and outspent by corporate interests. Labor unions now focus on the narrowest possible understanding of the interests of their members, and membership continues to decline in lockstep with the narrowing of their goals. Meanwhile, promising movements like Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter lack sufficient power to accomplish meaningful change. Why do progressives in the United States keep losing on so many issues?
In No Shortcuts, Jane McAlevey argues that progressives can win, but lack the organized power to enact significant change, to outlast their bosses in labor fights, and to hold elected leaders accountable. Drawing upon her experience as a scholar and longtime organizer in the student, environmental, and labor movements, McAlevey examines cases from labor unions and social movements to pinpoint the factors that helped them succeed - or fail - to accomplish their intended goals. McAlevey makes a compelling case that the great social movements of previous eras gained their power from mass organizing, a strategy today's progressives have mostly abandoned in favor of shallow mobilization or advocacy. She ultimately concludes that, in order to win, progressive movements need strong unions built from bottom-up organizing strategies that place the power for change in the hands of workers and ordinary people at the community level.
Beyond the concrete examples in this book, McAlevey's arguments have direct implications for anyone involved in organizing for social change. Much more than cogent analysis, No Shortcuts explains exactly how progressives can go about rebuilding powerful movements at work, in our communities, and at the ballot box.
In No Shortcuts, Jane McAlevey argues that progressives can win, but lack the organized power to enact significant change, to outlast their bosses in labor fights, and to hold elected leaders accountable. Drawing upon her experience as a scholar and longtime organizer in the student, environmental, and labor movements, McAlevey examines cases from labor unions and social movements to pinpoint the factors that helped them succeed - or fail - to accomplish their intended goals. McAlevey makes a compelling case that the great social movements of previous eras gained their power from mass organizing, a strategy today's progressives have mostly abandoned in favor of shallow mobilization or advocacy. She ultimately concludes that, in order to win, progressive movements need strong unions built from bottom-up organizing strategies that place the power for change in the hands of workers and ordinary people at the community level.
Beyond the concrete examples in this book, McAlevey's arguments have direct implications for anyone involved in organizing for social change. Much more than cogent analysis, No Shortcuts explains exactly how progressives can go about rebuilding powerful movements at work, in our communities, and at the ballot box.
272 pages, Hardcover
First published November 1, 2016
500 people are currently reading
5466 people want to read
About the author
Jane F. McAlevey
6 books214 followersJane F. McAlevey is a union and community organizer, educator, author, and scholar. She’s fourth generation union, raised in an activist-union household. She spent the first half of her organizing life working in the community organizing and environmental justice movements and the second half in the union movement.
She has led power structure analyses and strategic planning trainings for a wide range of union and community organizations and has had extensive involvement in globalization and global environmental issues.
She is currently a Senior Policy Fellow at the University of California at Berkeley’s Labor Center, part of the Institute for Labor & Employment Relations.
She has led power structure analyses and strategic planning trainings for a wide range of union and community organizations and has had extensive involvement in globalization and global environmental issues.
She is currently a Senior Policy Fellow at the University of California at Berkeley’s Labor Center, part of the Institute for Labor & Employment Relations.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 172 reviews
February 7, 2022
This is a good book about union tactics that is at time very frustrating because of the author's liberalism. Her time as a union organizer and her research in that area allow her to use the book's case studies to provide excellent insight into the *tactics* necessary for organizers to revive and build the labor movement here in the US. Where the book is at its best is echoing the call of the rank and file movement (TDU, Labor Notes, Kim Moody) for real union democracy and a commitment to long term *organizing* of all workers rather than short term mobilizing around contract time in the business union approach. The chapter on the revival of the Chicago Teachers Union is particularly good.
Where the book falls down is McAlevey's analysis on the overall *strategy* for the labor movement due to her liberal framework of power, where it comes from, and the role of the state. Like most modern academic liberals influenced by Foucault and Post-structuralism, she rejects a materialist Marxist analysis of the source of power (social class as a function of economic relations) and instead leans heavily on American Progressive Liberalism's favorite, C Wright Mills, to explain power relations in the US as an individualist tug of war between different groups and "elites". This misunderstanding of power leads to an incorrect view of the state, as an arena in which different social groups and classes struggle for power. This is wrong, the state is an organ of class domination, it serves as the executive committee for the management of the affairs of whichever class constructed its apparatus, which in today's capitalist society is the bourgeoisie. This mistaken analysis leads to conclusions that reviving the labor movement can, by itself, defeat inequality in society and McAlevey repeatedly alludes to the era of the CIO as a time of balance between class forces, which is again incorrect. We see here the limits of both pure trade union consciousness and post-structural liberalism, in a failure to see the possibility of a society beyond social democracy, beyond the illusion of the possibility of a "balance" of forces in a social democratic state. This limitation really hamper the book's understanding of the national level politics of working class movementa and thus the broader national strategy of anyone who wants to achieve justice and equality for the working class, which is of course only possible under a workers' state.
All that complaining aside, the bulk of the text is still useful for looking at the short term tactics to be used in the process of rebuilding individual unions. McAlevey is aiming in the right direction and her critiques of Alinksyism and business unionism are quite good. However, for someone who repeatedly stresses the importance of language her summary discussions to open and close the book do a better job mystifying the source of power relations (class dynamics and the ideological constructs brought forth from them) than she does at clarifying them.
Skip the intro and conclusion and focus on the details in the case studies she expertly presents. I'd recommend pairing this book with works like Secrets of a Successful Organizer from Labor Notes for more day to day tactical advice and examples. And if you want a much better materialist analysis of the political task facing the US working class I recommend Kim Moody's works, especially An Injury to All and US Labor in Trouble and Transition.
Where the book falls down is McAlevey's analysis on the overall *strategy* for the labor movement due to her liberal framework of power, where it comes from, and the role of the state. Like most modern academic liberals influenced by Foucault and Post-structuralism, she rejects a materialist Marxist analysis of the source of power (social class as a function of economic relations) and instead leans heavily on American Progressive Liberalism's favorite, C Wright Mills, to explain power relations in the US as an individualist tug of war between different groups and "elites". This misunderstanding of power leads to an incorrect view of the state, as an arena in which different social groups and classes struggle for power. This is wrong, the state is an organ of class domination, it serves as the executive committee for the management of the affairs of whichever class constructed its apparatus, which in today's capitalist society is the bourgeoisie. This mistaken analysis leads to conclusions that reviving the labor movement can, by itself, defeat inequality in society and McAlevey repeatedly alludes to the era of the CIO as a time of balance between class forces, which is again incorrect. We see here the limits of both pure trade union consciousness and post-structural liberalism, in a failure to see the possibility of a society beyond social democracy, beyond the illusion of the possibility of a "balance" of forces in a social democratic state. This limitation really hamper the book's understanding of the national level politics of working class movementa and thus the broader national strategy of anyone who wants to achieve justice and equality for the working class, which is of course only possible under a workers' state.
All that complaining aside, the bulk of the text is still useful for looking at the short term tactics to be used in the process of rebuilding individual unions. McAlevey is aiming in the right direction and her critiques of Alinksyism and business unionism are quite good. However, for someone who repeatedly stresses the importance of language her summary discussions to open and close the book do a better job mystifying the source of power relations (class dynamics and the ideological constructs brought forth from them) than she does at clarifying them.
Skip the intro and conclusion and focus on the details in the case studies she expertly presents. I'd recommend pairing this book with works like Secrets of a Successful Organizer from Labor Notes for more day to day tactical advice and examples. And if you want a much better materialist analysis of the political task facing the US working class I recommend Kim Moody's works, especially An Injury to All and US Labor in Trouble and Transition.
June 24, 2017
There is a solid argument at the heart of this book. Workers are losing and working class communities are losing because the organizing that built the CIO has been replaced by mobilizing, the media, and metrics. The three victories laid out here, among nursing home workers in Connecticut, teachers and parents in Chicago, and meat packing workers in North Carolina, all allow the author to make the case for organizing at a deep level. And a fair critique of top down new labor tactics and Saul Alinsky's organizing practices are well taken. The problem with this book is its utter inability to deal with nuance. There is no acknowledgment of practitioners who have innovated Alinsky's work in ways that acknowledge our author's critique. And there is no acknowledging any organizing that isn't workplace organizing. The axes the author feels she has to grind take away from what is otherwise a read that should challenge organizers of all stripes to their core.
November 15, 2024
One of the best books I’ve ever read and required reading for anyone who wants to make the world a better place. No Shortcuts is an academic study, a manifesto, and the story of the American labor movement all rolled into one. It does what effective organizers do: It stirs up righteous anger and turns it into drive, motivation, and HOPE. And its lesson is simple: No one is coming to save us, so it’s up to us to organize, unionize, and fight like hell for the dignity of work and for the well-being of our families and our communities.
The book begins by framing three types of change processes: Advocacy, mobilizing, and organizing. It explains the difference between them and makes an argument that only one of these approaches (organizing) can actually disrupt current power structures and make the durable changes that make our lives better. Advocacy makes people aware of issues, and mobilizing can move activists to action, but these approaches bring attention. They don’t WIN. The only way to win is to create a crisis for the powers that be (in our country’s case, Capital), so that those in power must meet our demands. The only way for us to do this as tiny people with little money and influence is by organizing. Organizing requires you to work with everyone, including natural leaders who may not agree with you, not just self-selecting activists. Organizing requires you to build multicultural, multiethnic, multi-shift majorities of all kinds of workers to create overwhelming power. Organizing was used by the two most successful movements of the last century - labor and civil rights - because organizing WINS.
From there, the book goes through what it means to organize effectively, how to build solidarity within a structure that is not sellf-selecting (such as a workplace, apartment complex, or church), and how to activate a community around the fight against the powers that be. It then goes through examples of union fights throughout our 21st century, the lessons that can be learned from both wins and losses, and makes a compelling argument for organizing as the most powerful tool of the working class.
Jane McAlevey also has a lot to say about the 2016 election, the failures of the democratic party, and failures of parent unions that give a lot of food for thought. There are honestly too many great quotes and critiques to put here. But READ THIS BOOK and make all your friends read it too.
“Of course, like democracy itself, unions are complicated and flawed. Yet we’ve found no better system for running a country than democracy and no better mechanism for ensuring decent lives for its working-class citizens than unions. It’s time we finally learned the two are inseparable. Without basic economic justice to underpin it, democracy cannot thrive - or survive” (xiv).
The book begins by framing three types of change processes: Advocacy, mobilizing, and organizing. It explains the difference between them and makes an argument that only one of these approaches (organizing) can actually disrupt current power structures and make the durable changes that make our lives better. Advocacy makes people aware of issues, and mobilizing can move activists to action, but these approaches bring attention. They don’t WIN. The only way to win is to create a crisis for the powers that be (in our country’s case, Capital), so that those in power must meet our demands. The only way for us to do this as tiny people with little money and influence is by organizing. Organizing requires you to work with everyone, including natural leaders who may not agree with you, not just self-selecting activists. Organizing requires you to build multicultural, multiethnic, multi-shift majorities of all kinds of workers to create overwhelming power. Organizing was used by the two most successful movements of the last century - labor and civil rights - because organizing WINS.
From there, the book goes through what it means to organize effectively, how to build solidarity within a structure that is not sellf-selecting (such as a workplace, apartment complex, or church), and how to activate a community around the fight against the powers that be. It then goes through examples of union fights throughout our 21st century, the lessons that can be learned from both wins and losses, and makes a compelling argument for organizing as the most powerful tool of the working class.
Jane McAlevey also has a lot to say about the 2016 election, the failures of the democratic party, and failures of parent unions that give a lot of food for thought. There are honestly too many great quotes and critiques to put here. But READ THIS BOOK and make all your friends read it too.
“Of course, like democracy itself, unions are complicated and flawed. Yet we’ve found no better system for running a country than democracy and no better mechanism for ensuring decent lives for its working-class citizens than unions. It’s time we finally learned the two are inseparable. Without basic economic justice to underpin it, democracy cannot thrive - or survive” (xiv).
June 4, 2019
This was no-nonsense, piercing reflection & analysis of the strategic thinking, tactics, and possibilities for key segments of the movement. Some may bristle at the insight provided on Alinskyism/mobilizing organizations - I find it pretty convincing, though, and think there’s a lot of value to be drawn from the theses that McAlevey is putting forward for what we need to do in order to build the power necessary to win the world we want to see.
December 7, 2017
I have been reading book after book after book trying to get a sense of how the American left can [re]build power in the face of the brilliant, devastating, decades-long strategies employed by the corporate right to dominate our social & political lives. This book is one of the best guides that I have found so far.
A protege / student of Frances Fox Piven, McAlevey’s work includes the kind of detailed historical grounding and analysis that Piven is known for, and she shares Piven’s deep skepticism / criticism of Saul Alinsky’s “community organizing” model, but she departs from Piven by arguing that the left CAN build power with the right theories of power and change (rather than Piven’s contention in “Poor People’s Movements” that the left can more effectively harness moments of mass refusal / unrest, but can not do much to generate moments of mass refusal / unrest). McAlevey argues that the labor movement has shifted from an organizing model to a mobilizing model — and that this shift is at the heart of the wider decline of the entire left.
McAlevey’s writing is crisp, her analysis is smart, and her argument is persuasive. This book is mostly rooted in detailed case studies from this millennium, and having this contemporary frame of reference is very instructive. Most interesting to me were her explorations of the Chicago Teacher’s Strike of 2012 and the 2008 unionization of the Smithfield meat plant in the extremely anti-union Tar Heel, NC.
This read is a bit more demanding than some others that I have read; I wouldn’t consider it a pleasure read. It is, however, a remarkable read and an instructive guide. I’d highly recommend it to any friends interested in left / progressive capacity building.
A protege / student of Frances Fox Piven, McAlevey’s work includes the kind of detailed historical grounding and analysis that Piven is known for, and she shares Piven’s deep skepticism / criticism of Saul Alinsky’s “community organizing” model, but she departs from Piven by arguing that the left CAN build power with the right theories of power and change (rather than Piven’s contention in “Poor People’s Movements” that the left can more effectively harness moments of mass refusal / unrest, but can not do much to generate moments of mass refusal / unrest). McAlevey argues that the labor movement has shifted from an organizing model to a mobilizing model — and that this shift is at the heart of the wider decline of the entire left.
McAlevey’s writing is crisp, her analysis is smart, and her argument is persuasive. This book is mostly rooted in detailed case studies from this millennium, and having this contemporary frame of reference is very instructive. Most interesting to me were her explorations of the Chicago Teacher’s Strike of 2012 and the 2008 unionization of the Smithfield meat plant in the extremely anti-union Tar Heel, NC.
This read is a bit more demanding than some others that I have read; I wouldn’t consider it a pleasure read. It is, however, a remarkable read and an instructive guide. I’d highly recommend it to any friends interested in left / progressive capacity building.
May 25, 2018
I big-bodied my way onto a C train one morning and the guy that I nudged forward kept looking back at me. The train I take to work in the morning--a local--is often so crowded that even breaking out a book can be regarded as a solecism, and this morning was no exception. As the guy got off of the train, I stepped to the side to let off the departing passengers/avoid the stampede; he pointed to me and said "That's a great book!" and in my antisocial subway mode, channeling my most awkward teenaged version of me, I mustered an awkward "Thanks!" as if he had congratulated me for having written the book myself.
That story isn't really too important or relevant (but #Brooklyn!), and I think the reason I tell it is because I have nothing more to say about the content of the book--it was pretty dry. The thesis seems to be that there is a qualitative difference that we often lose sight of between organizing (good!) and mobilizing (eh, fine). This seems right. The penultimate chapter, based on Make the Road--which is an awesome organization where many friends work--seems to emphasize that community is a much stronger driver of participation and turnout than political principle. But it's also so much harder to cultivate. Tough tradeoffs.
I think what I'm most heartened by is the spate of mostly successful teacher's strikes that took place while I was leafing through this book. From West Virginia and Arizona to Kentucky and now North Carolina, these people are mo-bi-li-zing. And the skinflint taxpayers and Republican governors are mostly cowering, which is wonderful and gratifying at the same time. Let's hope the organization pays dividends come November!
That story isn't really too important or relevant (but #Brooklyn!), and I think the reason I tell it is because I have nothing more to say about the content of the book--it was pretty dry. The thesis seems to be that there is a qualitative difference that we often lose sight of between organizing (good!) and mobilizing (eh, fine). This seems right. The penultimate chapter, based on Make the Road--which is an awesome organization where many friends work--seems to emphasize that community is a much stronger driver of participation and turnout than political principle. But it's also so much harder to cultivate. Tough tradeoffs.
I think what I'm most heartened by is the spate of mostly successful teacher's strikes that took place while I was leafing through this book. From West Virginia and Arizona to Kentucky and now North Carolina, these people are mo-bi-li-zing. And the skinflint taxpayers and Republican governors are mostly cowering, which is wonderful and gratifying at the same time. Let's hope the organization pays dividends come November!
August 16, 2020
In terms of structure, this book was kind of a mess. It felt like the author was continuing an argument that I as the reader hadn't heard the first part of and was responding to critiques of the labor movement without first explaining what said critiques actually were. Without a background in labor/unions, I struggled to understand a lot of the things she was talking about.
Appreciated many of the practical examples she gave, but as a casual lay reader, would recommend reading her book A Collective Bargain instead.
Appreciated many of the practical examples she gave, but as a casual lay reader, would recommend reading her book A Collective Bargain instead.
June 24, 2017
She tells a great story and it's got a lot of good lessons for organizers of all types. It doesn't quite deliver on the claim that union organizing strategies have application to social movement organizing. That may be true, but there are no direct examples in the book, really. Even if it weren't a great how-to manual, though, it also works as recent and relevant history. My socialist local chapter (DSA) had a book discussion group around this book today and a lot of good ideas came up.
March 23, 2022
Let me tell you something there are definitely “no shortcuts” through this book! You’ve gotta read every page baby and maybe even do some supplemental googling but boy is it worth it. So many valuable insights, grounded in REAL wins and the battles lost along the way.
I saw Jane McAlevey speak at Berkeley right before the pandy w Jonny and Natalie’s Matt about this book and in that hour and change of conversation I learned more than I did in my weeks of training as an “organizer.” I STILL remember the details of those stories she told about putting worker’s needs first. Truly an icon, a living legend.
Workers united etc etc etc etc
S/o Bestie Julia for lending to meeee
I saw Jane McAlevey speak at Berkeley right before the pandy w Jonny and Natalie’s Matt about this book and in that hour and change of conversation I learned more than I did in my weeks of training as an “organizer.” I STILL remember the details of those stories she told about putting worker’s needs first. Truly an icon, a living legend.
Workers united etc etc etc etc
S/o Bestie Julia for lending to meeee
April 21, 2024
really helpful framing and examples for why organizing rank-and-file workers, building and maintaining real community relationships, and striking is the heart of labor movement's success.
February 21, 2019
I am a labor novice, so I don't know if this is the perfect book for a seasoned organizer who has seen and done it all. But, as someone who has taken a post-Bernie, post-Trump interest in activism, and recently joined both DSA and a union, "No Shortcuts" is a perfect book.
Clocking in at a breezy 210 pages, "No Shortcuts" lays out a few foundational principles for labor organizing in 2019, and then proceeds to articulate a clear vision with the help of a few illustrative case studies. McAlevey's argument is both compelling and succinct. As a result, this feels like a helpful and potentially essential "hit the ground running" text for would-be labor organizers.
McAlevey first draws the distinction between "mobilizing" and "organizing." The idea here is that while you can mobilize people to, say, show up for one rally or participate in one boycott, an organized worker is ready to fight consistently and doggedly for dignity and respect.
McAlevey also lays out the concept of organizing the "whole worker," meaning that a worker's life does not begin and end at work. They have lives in their community: kids in school, pews in church, and opinions on civic issues. Organizing, McAlevey believes, must speak to the whole worker.
With these bedrock principles established, "No Shortcuts" walks the reader through successful recent organizing efforts and less successful ones in a variety of industries. A common theme emerges: worker leadership, union militancy, and a reliance on strikes instead of data gathering and polling lead to wins. Compromise and inaction leads to devastating defeats. As McAlevey explores case studies involving teachers, nursing home workers, meatpackers, grocery clerks, and retail workers we see common themes emerge. Very quickly, the reader starts to see an obvious and essential a way forward.
Looking around at successful labor organizing across the country, it appears that McAlevey's prescription is right. Strike more and exclude workers at your own peril. Just maybe "No Shortcuts" is the book that can help reverse that the crushing losses that labor has experienced after decades of mobilizing and compromising instead of challenging the boss on the picket line.
Clocking in at a breezy 210 pages, "No Shortcuts" lays out a few foundational principles for labor organizing in 2019, and then proceeds to articulate a clear vision with the help of a few illustrative case studies. McAlevey's argument is both compelling and succinct. As a result, this feels like a helpful and potentially essential "hit the ground running" text for would-be labor organizers.
McAlevey first draws the distinction between "mobilizing" and "organizing." The idea here is that while you can mobilize people to, say, show up for one rally or participate in one boycott, an organized worker is ready to fight consistently and doggedly for dignity and respect.
McAlevey also lays out the concept of organizing the "whole worker," meaning that a worker's life does not begin and end at work. They have lives in their community: kids in school, pews in church, and opinions on civic issues. Organizing, McAlevey believes, must speak to the whole worker.
With these bedrock principles established, "No Shortcuts" walks the reader through successful recent organizing efforts and less successful ones in a variety of industries. A common theme emerges: worker leadership, union militancy, and a reliance on strikes instead of data gathering and polling lead to wins. Compromise and inaction leads to devastating defeats. As McAlevey explores case studies involving teachers, nursing home workers, meatpackers, grocery clerks, and retail workers we see common themes emerge. Very quickly, the reader starts to see an obvious and essential a way forward.
Looking around at successful labor organizing across the country, it appears that McAlevey's prescription is right. Strike more and exclude workers at your own peril. Just maybe "No Shortcuts" is the book that can help reverse that the crushing losses that labor has experienced after decades of mobilizing and compromising instead of challenging the boss on the picket line.
August 10, 2023
5 stars just for chapter one. Jane’s distinction between organizing vs mobilizing vs advocacy is shook me and made me question a lot about nonprofits and how I think if impactful work. She makes such a strong case for why workers and their community need to lead union efforts, and how true leaders can be identified. Chapters 3-6 were case studies and were helpful to understand her point but because they weren’t super detailed, for me they raised more questions about how the different groups achieved certain strategies and win than they answered. Highly recommend everyone read at least chapter 1.
January 12, 2023
Read this book when I started my first job in the union movement. Refer back to it often especially the “rules for rookie organisers” and the fundamentals of organising vs mobilising. Organising for power and making sure workers are at the forefront of that is one of the most powerful take aways. Recommend this to other unionists often.
June 20, 2017
Interesting little book describing how unions can be successful when they focus on ground-up organizing instead of playing power politics (poorly) and trying to mobilize only. Interesting that the failure of unions over the last several decades for a lack of such organizing also applies to why the Republican party has been crushing the Democratic party at all levels of government in recent history.
Only problem with the book is that it takes a very Marxian view in setting a complete dialectic between workers and their employers, describing it continuously as one side "beating" the other. This is a false dichotomy, especially with the sea-change in our economy coming with the extensive replacement of workers with machines where those jobs are not coming back. This, now more than ever, places an emphasis on the need to understand workers and employers in a symbiotic relationship where each needs the other to survive in one way or another. Employers need workers to have enough money to drive purchasing power and the economy as a whole, workers need their wages supplied by organizations (or possibly, the government in times to come) in order to survive and buy the goods produced by their organizations. The system cannot survive and thrive without both parties.
Only problem with the book is that it takes a very Marxian view in setting a complete dialectic between workers and their employers, describing it continuously as one side "beating" the other. This is a false dichotomy, especially with the sea-change in our economy coming with the extensive replacement of workers with machines where those jobs are not coming back. This, now more than ever, places an emphasis on the need to understand workers and employers in a symbiotic relationship where each needs the other to survive in one way or another. Employers need workers to have enough money to drive purchasing power and the economy as a whole, workers need their wages supplied by organizations (or possibly, the government in times to come) in order to survive and buy the goods produced by their organizations. The system cannot survive and thrive without both parties.
December 28, 2017
Themes:
- importance of Organizing versus Mobilizing (and Advocacy)
- Organizing means worker agency - not an Alinksyist model where the outside organizer is actually the decision-maker
- also means that organizers identify "leaders" based on their influence and power in the workplace - this is part of a larger foundation of "ordinary people power," deviating from an elite conception of power
- the strike is the key tool of labor
- we need to think holistically - "whole worker" organizing acknowledges that workers are complete humans who are embedded in families and communities - community-labor alliances are key (which is, for the aforementioned reason, somewhat of a misnomer in itself)
- discusses success of 1199's model
- critiques of New Labor - only running "corporate campaigns"
- the "air war" (i.e. political advocacy, media work, corporate research) has its role, but the "ground war" is the primary battleground
- importance of Organizing versus Mobilizing (and Advocacy)
- Organizing means worker agency - not an Alinksyist model where the outside organizer is actually the decision-maker
- also means that organizers identify "leaders" based on their influence and power in the workplace - this is part of a larger foundation of "ordinary people power," deviating from an elite conception of power
- the strike is the key tool of labor
- we need to think holistically - "whole worker" organizing acknowledges that workers are complete humans who are embedded in families and communities - community-labor alliances are key (which is, for the aforementioned reason, somewhat of a misnomer in itself)
- discusses success of 1199's model
- critiques of New Labor - only running "corporate campaigns"
- the "air war" (i.e. political advocacy, media work, corporate research) has its role, but the "ground war" is the primary battleground
July 12, 2021
A great piece explaining the differences between models of organizing workers and communities in the modern era with a materialist view of concrete conditions that workers face against businesses in this modern neoliberal era. They also explain the New Labor approach and the ideologue for that approach, Saul Alinsky, and how Alinsky’s ideas helped turn the AFL-CIO and the Chicago teachers Union into third party unions that focused more on connecting and settling with the employers while collecting dues rather than being vehicles of power for the working class against those employers.
A great read, get your hands on it if you can
A great read, get your hands on it if you can
July 21, 2020
this POWERFUL book begs us to reconsider the union strategies that have dominated the last 50+ years, demanding that we must shift to a grassroots, worker-led, community-aligned organizing model if we are ever able to win against the rising tide of corporate greed intent on crushing the last of the unions. Replete with several poignant examples of how we CAN WIN! POWER TO THE WORKERS! Viva los sindicatos!
August 11, 2017
Sometimes dry reading, but immensely practical. A must-read for activists on the left.
I do wish, though, that McAlevey had described in more depth what her organizing strategies might look like outside the workplace.
I do wish, though, that McAlevey had described in more depth what her organizing strategies might look like outside the workplace.
February 16, 2020
Superb. Really thought provoking. Made me reflect a lot on my recent intense experience of organising (or as it turns out, mobilising). Excellent book. Essential reading for anyone engaged in political, community or workplace organising.
March 31, 2018
Full of actionable insights, inspiring stories that are meticulously researched, and bursts of good wit, too.
December 9, 2021
Gives a great perspective on proper organizing strategy and a qualitative history of labor unions, explaining why many of us grew up with a mixed or even negative view of unions. Growing up, my perception of unions was mixed; I heard positive and negatives about teacher's unions, but had little chance to test the validity of what I heard.
If you've never had any understanding of unions and are curious, this is a very good book. I came away with a much deeper appreciation of labor history, the huge contributions of labor organizing to the health of our workplaces, and also a lot of incisive and detailed analysis of how unions have stayed relevant and in what ways they haven't.
If you are curious about organizing your workplace, this is a great place to start. There are many examples of how people organized their own workplaces, and McAlevey gets into some detail about the steps in the process, and has a lot of strategic orientation that will help you understand the "why" of unionizing. If you think you and some co-workers are up to the task, reach out to some unions or a labor coalition near you to find one that's aligned with the work you do and that you think would support you in working toward unionizing.
Note: There are many workplaces that would benefit from being unionized, but under the right conditions, I would also recommend that employees look into buying the company they work for.
Many small and medium businesses are at risk of being bought by bigger corporations due to the "silver tsunami" - a wave of baby boomer business owners retiring and looking to sell their business. Look up the Democracy at Work Institute, US Federation of Worker Cooperatives, and also look up employee ownership through ESOPs (although ESOPs do little to change management structure if existing workplace culture is problematic).
If you've never had any understanding of unions and are curious, this is a very good book. I came away with a much deeper appreciation of labor history, the huge contributions of labor organizing to the health of our workplaces, and also a lot of incisive and detailed analysis of how unions have stayed relevant and in what ways they haven't.
If you are curious about organizing your workplace, this is a great place to start. There are many examples of how people organized their own workplaces, and McAlevey gets into some detail about the steps in the process, and has a lot of strategic orientation that will help you understand the "why" of unionizing. If you think you and some co-workers are up to the task, reach out to some unions or a labor coalition near you to find one that's aligned with the work you do and that you think would support you in working toward unionizing.
Note: There are many workplaces that would benefit from being unionized, but under the right conditions, I would also recommend that employees look into buying the company they work for.
Many small and medium businesses are at risk of being bought by bigger corporations due to the "silver tsunami" - a wave of baby boomer business owners retiring and looking to sell their business. Look up the Democracy at Work Institute, US Federation of Worker Cooperatives, and also look up employee ownership through ESOPs (although ESOPs do little to change management structure if existing workplace culture is problematic).
January 31, 2025
Loved reading about the Smithfield strikes, and Keith Ludlum, who was the only of the fired workers who had taken on the company (and won), who wanted his job back, instead of taking a payout (despite, by this point, having secured a more lucrative job elsewhere). His entire reason for doing so, being his intent to continue organizing a labor movement within the plant, even though the company was now hiring undocumented migrants, with the aim of breaking labor power. The company tried to sew division between citizens and undocumented migrants, and once the workers overcame that, true solidarity swept through the workplace, then the township, then the state.
Keith became a major organizer, and when asked why he took his job back, answered, "They pissed off the wrong motherfucker".
He referred to his work as, "running hawgs" and that he was highly specialized in "hawg flow". That tickled me.
Keith became a major organizer, and when asked why he took his job back, answered, "They pissed off the wrong motherfucker".
He referred to his work as, "running hawgs" and that he was highly specialized in "hawg flow". That tickled me.
February 26, 2025
An absolute must-read for everybody who wants to improve trade unions - and a great explanation for why things are the way they are. It is simply not enough to wait for elected politicians and advocacy groups to do enough to secure a good life for you. It's something that needs to be organised: by you, together with the people you work with and live with.
For those who are very busy: reading the introduction and the conclusion is enough although the chapters in between are interesting and inspiring (US-centred) case studies.
For those who are very busy: reading the introduction and the conclusion is enough although the chapters in between are interesting and inspiring (US-centred) case studies.
June 3, 2022
Jane McAlevey has penned a how-to manual for creating union power by relying on organizing instead of a business union model. You can see the fruit of her labor with the successes of Amazon workers, who didn’t even have a national to rely on. Instead, they put into practice what McAlevey preaches here.
This is a book to read and reread and reread again — until we’ve memorized its strategies and embraced its commitment to worker empowerment. Highly, highly, highly recommended!
This is a book to read and reread and reread again — until we’ve memorized its strategies and embraced its commitment to worker empowerment. Highly, highly, highly recommended!
December 25, 2022
A good overview of labor in the past fifty years with recent examples of organizing victories. Those accounts make up the majority and are the most important parts of this book. The author's analysis is good, but too light on politics; successfully not mentioning the communist foundations that underpin the approach proposed here. Maybe this was written for a very general audience, in that case the best general advice shows up in the first page as a scanned sheet of handwritten paper:
https://organiseforchange.nz/2019/02/...
https://organiseforchange.nz/2019/02/...
August 10, 2024
Solid review of the many pitfalls of business unionism, where you use strategists and a few good mobilizers to win contracts, while you let the rank-and-file twist in the wind. That doesn't cut it. Instead, McAlevey argues for the tough, but rewarding and winning, strategy of actually mobilizing your membership. This builds buy-in and resilience, and cuts down on talent burnout. Well researched and written. Recommended for everyone who wants to work in a better workplace with good contracts and an employer who respects you.
February 24, 2024
Simultaneously a phenomenal primer for people interested in organizing who can’t answer the question “so what does an organizer…do?” (moi) and a very well argued case / framework for structure based organizing over mobilization organizing.
You only really need to read the first two chapters and one of the case studies.
You only really need to read the first two chapters and one of the case studies.
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January 7, 2025I’ve been trying to explain the thesis of any book I’m reading, and I’ve been trying to do so out loud to people—a good exercise; keeps you honest. And when I talked to a friend about this one, the question asked, in an even Rihanna tone, was “good luck with this “community” of which you speak.” To which I laughed. I had, to my horror, no substantive reply.
April 21, 2025
I didn't come into this book with a lot of knowledge about the ways that unions can/should work, but I feel like I have a strong base now to grow my understanding. I appreciate that McAlevey has first-hand knowledge about unions and her overview of the various internal and external factors that directly impact the power of unions is super interesting.
November 25, 2021
the chicago chapter was definitely the best and most engaging. this is very well-researched and thorough but makes essentially the same point as mcalevey's memoir, which is far more engaging and narrative-based. some good info on organising and worth a read though
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