Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior and President

by Ari Hoogenboom

Who was the real Rutherford B. Hayes? Was he a great or inconsequential president? How did his early life and career shape his later years? How did his triumphs and failures alter our history? And why should we care? Ari Hoogenboom's masterful life of Hayes definitively answers those questions and shows why our nineteenth president deserves far greater recognition than he's received in the past.

The first biography of Hayes in nearly fifty years, Hoogenboom's book recreates the rapidly changing world of Victorian America as experienced by one of its most reflective and perceptive figures. The Hayes that emerges is a much more progressive and far-sighted leader than previously suggested. He was, Hoogenboom argues, neither a Southern sympathizer nor an exemplar of the "Greedy Gilded Age." Rather, he was a devout, pragmatic champion of equal rights.

Hayes's colorful life was rooted in his frontier experiences in Ohio and galvanized on Civil War battlefields, where he survived five wounds and was ultimately promoted to major general. No other president was under fire on the front lines as much as Hayes. Hayes's image as president (1877-1881), however, has not been quite so shining. He has been blamed for Reconstruction's failure and damned for an apparent bargain that guaranteed his election in exchange for withdrawing military support of Republican governments in the South. He has also been criticized for championing the gold standard, for breaking the Great Strike of 1877, for inconsistent support of civil-service reform, and for being an ineffectual politician.

Hoogenboom contends that these evaluations are largely false. Previous scholars, he says, have failed to appreciate Hayes's limited options and have misrepresented his actions in their depictions of an overly cautious, nonvisionary president. In fact, he was strikingly modern in his efforts to enlarge the power of the office, which he used as his own bully pulpit to rouse public support for his goals. Chief among these goals, Hoogenboom shows, was equality for all Americans. Throughout his presidency and long afterwards, Hayes worked steadfastly for reforms that would encourage economic opportunity, distribute wealth more equitably, diminish the conflict between capital and labor, and ultimately enable African-Americans to achieve political equality. Although he fell far short of his ideals, his unwavering commitment deserves our attention and respect.

Genres: Presidents, Biography, History, Nonfiction, Us Presidents, American History, Politics

712 pages, Hardcover

First published January 1, 1996

About the author

Ari Arthur Hoogenboom was professor emeritus of history at Brooklyn College at the City University of New York. He was a scholar of the Gilded Age, particularly in the life and Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes

Reviews

[Matt · Rating 4 out of 5]

Based on his reputation as president, I didn't expect much from a biography on Rutherford B. Hayes (and I certainly was surprised that it held my attention for nearly 550 pages!) He led an interesting life as an attorney, Civil War colonel and general (of all the president's he had the most and most significant war-related injuries), Congressman, three-term governor of Ohio, a sort of founder of the Ohio State University, U.S. President, and public education advocate and prison reformer.

Hayes's priorities as president were to ensure enforcement of the 14th and 15th Amendments, civil service reform and retiring the spoils system, and getting the post-war economy on surer footing.

Regarding the first point, the country was exhausted in 1876 with trying to get the states of the Confederacy to accept Reconstruction. By the time of the presidential election, only South Carolina and Louisiana still had federal troops enforcing order and protecting the federally imposed Republican governments. The true winner of the 1876 election between Hayes and Tilden is ultimately unknowable as there was extensive voter intimidation and ballot fraud and two sets of canvassing boards, one Republican and one Democratic, competing for legitimacy in those states. Ultimately Hayes assumed the presidency based on a 8-7 vote of a committee of legislators and Supreme Court justices. The deal was that federal troops would be pulled out of the south and local government would replace the carpetbaggers. Hayes tried to extract promises from the state and local governments that they would protect civil rights consistent with federal law, but as former A.G. Amos T. Ackerman criticized, it amounted to combatting "lawlessness by letting the lawless have their own way."

On the other fronts, civil service reform made some important baby steps, paving the way for sustainable reform roughly a decade later. Importantly, he took on party boss Senator Roscoe Conkling and arguably won, although it was a costly win. His economic policy on the other hand was a resounding success that allowed him to leave office as a popular incumbent (he had vowed only to serve for one term).

It's easy to see why Hayes is largely forgotten - the value placed on good economic policy is most important in the present and it loses importance when assessing accomplishments of a president years later. Hayes fought with a Democratic House throughout his term--some of his battles with Congress were eerily reminiscent of the Obama era--and some of his most important successes were based on vetoing their proposals that would have guaranteed subjugation of black Americans or other bad ideas. It turned out to be a Sisyphean task, and battles he won mean little historically when that war was ultimately lost.

In his retirement he worked diligently to promote universal education, which he saw as a remedy for poverty and oppression, and prison reform. You can almost draw a straight line from Hayes to the successes of the American Progressive movement a generation or two later.

[Aaron Million · Rating 5 out of 5]

Rutherford Hayes is one of those mostly forgotten post-Civil War Presidents who had a lot of facial hair and has a historical reputation as being, more or less, a non-entity. Ari Hoogenboom, in a well-written and very balanced biography, argues otherwise. While certainly not flawless nor blameless, Hoogenboom shows Hayes to have led an incredibly industrious life, with decades of public service contributions to his name.

Hayes had a difficult beginning: his father died before he was even born. Thankfully, his uncle on his mother's side, Sardis Burchard, really took Hayes under his wing, supported him financially and psychologically, and looked after him as if he were his own son. This made a huge difference long-term for Hayes' life as, without Sardis' support, Hayes would probably not have been able to go to college nor get himself started in practicing law. But fortunately Hayes took full advantage of Sardis' largesse, and after a somewhat less-than-serious period as a young man, soon embarked on a highly successful political career.

Thankfully for Hoogenboom and anyone else examining Hayes' life, Hayes kept an extensive diary throughout his life. Hoogenboom makes much use of this to show Hayes' thinking on various people, places and things as he moves throughout life. He actually comes off, at least to me, as somewhat of a smart aleck and rather full of himself when he was a young man. He tended to have an inflated opinion of himself and came across as arrogant. Fortunately this greatly decreased as Hayes matured. Hayes married Lucy Webb and the two were deeply devoted to each other until her death almost forty years later. In an age now where long marriages are not as common, and infidelity is seemingly everywhere, it was nice to read about two people truly being happy with one another and being unhappy when they were apart (like during part of Hayes' service in the Civil War). Also, an aside here: if you look at photos of Hayes when he got married, he looks a lot like former New Orleans Saints QB Drew Brees!

When the Civil War came, Hayes did not have to serve. He was in his late 30s at the time, so he was not drafted and was not required to enlist. But he felt strongly about preserving the Union, and while not an abolitionist at that point in his life, and carrying the typical racist attitude of many people of his time, he was sickened by slavery and believed that it needed to be snuffed out. Hayes spent the war in Virginia (and what later became West Virginia), was seriously wounded several times, and came close to dying at one point. While he ended the War as a brevet Brigadier General, he spent most of it as a Lt Colonel or Colonel. He seemed to be a natural leader of men, and took his leadership role as an officer very seriously. Hayes remained close to his wartime comrades for the rest of his life, and took especial interest and involvement in veterans affairs.

Immediately following the War, Hayes was drafted to run for Congress and spent two terms in the U.S. House. He didn't seem to particularly like Washington D.C. nor being in Congress, as being one of so many Congressmen his voice was diluted. At this point, in the War's immediate aftermath, Hayes was a Radical Republican and became a staunch defender of Reconstruction and civil rights for blacks. Hayes had known Abraham Lincoln and believed in what Lincoln was doing to both win the War and reconstruct the South, as well as expanding freedoms for blacks.

Both Hayes and Lucy preferred to be in Ohio, so Hayes ran for Governor and won. He served two consecutive terms (at the time, the Governor's term was two years instead of four), and then was convinced to run again for a third term several years later. In between, while he did not want to, Hayes agreed to run for Congress again, and lost. Hayes' time as Governor was focused on suffrage for blacks, sound fiscal policy, and state support of orphans and the mentally ill. Hayes also helped to establish Ohio State University.

When 1876 rolled around, Hayes was in his third term as Governor. He did not campaign for the presidency, but was not against getting nominated either. Hayes' war service, political resume, and leader of his party in a crucially important state all combined to make him an attractive candidate. The 1876 election though was an absolute mess, with so much fraud occurring on both sides that honestly I am not sure who really did win. It wasn't clear at the time and I do not think it is clear now. The Southern states especially were up for grabs due to Democrats doing everything they could to try to wrest back control from pro-black governments in several states. Hayes mainly kept out of the fray; Hoogenboom neither applauds nor condemns him for this, as at that time it was expected that the office sought the man, not the other way around like it is today. Was there a deal that Democrats would drop their objections to the results in several states in exchange for Hayes ending Reconstruction? Hoogenboom does not think so, and there is no evidence that Hayes entered into an explicit quid pro quo. Yet, it had to be obvious to him that Reconstruction was all but dead anyways. Hayes has taken heat from historians ever since for caving into the racist Democrats and basically abandoning blacks in the South. But as Hoogenboom points out, what could Hayes have really done? Violence was widespread, and we really were not too far away from another Civil War breaking out. Northerners had lost enthusiasm and patience for Reconstruction, and were no longer willing to foot the bill economically and also militarily to police the South. And the Southerners wanted to eject the Federal troops from their states. There was very little political will to maintain troops in the South. Hayes did about the only realistic thing that he could: withdrew the troops.

Hoogenboom reviews Hayes' presidency in a fair way, pointing out that he did a better job in general than history has given him credit for, but also noting mistakes along the way. Of the latter, one of Hayes' biggest blunders was taken even before he was elected: he committed to serving only one term. So in one sense he was a lame duck as soon as he took the Oath of office. This hampered his authority in his own Party especially as he struggled to control the disparate factions. Hayes was pro-civil service reform, but once he actually was President, administered appointments inconsistently, sometimes adhering to principle, other times sacrificing to expediency. The end result was a muddled policy that pleased no one.

Hayes thought that Congress had taken too much appointive power away from the presidency, and he attempted to take it back. While I agree with Hoogenboom's showing that Hayes stood up for his office, I do think that he went a bit too far in trying to make Hayes look good here. On page 303 he said that Hayes brought the power of the office of the presidency back from its weakening under his predecessors. Hoogenboom includes Lincoln here, which I found very odd given that Lincoln was one of the strongest Presidents that this country has ever seen (much of that was by necessity, of course). Hoogenboom: "Abraham Lincoln had deferred to Congress in appointments and in other political matters and had given his cabinet members a free hand in running their departments.... [Hayes] moved away from the Whig ideal of a weak president who was subservient to Congress and deferential to his cabinet." Lincoln was not a weak President, and I don't think that Hayes' immediate predecessor Ulysses Grant was either.

Hoogenboom covers other areas of concern during Hayes' presidency: gold and silver coinage, the debt, Indian affairs, and the expanding country. Hayes traveled more than any other President had up to that point, taking the railroads all over the country. He both felt it important to get out amongst the people and away from Washington, and also he enjoyed traveling. His Indian policy was mainly a continuation of that under Grant: attempting to be fair to the tribes, yet Hayes could not help but be paternalistic towards them. It doesn't look very good from today's eyes, and it wasn't very good. But for the time it was an improvement over most of what had come before, which was atrocious.

Hoogenboom covers Hayes' post-presidency extensively and I appreciated this as sometimes presidential biographies tend to treat this part of their subject's life as an afterthought. Hayes would make that hard to do anyways with how busy he stayed. The man never sat home. He was traveling almost continuously: all over Ohio all the time. Countless trips to New York, then other trips to the South, multiple ones to Chicago, out to the Northeast, to Kansas, to St. Louis, to Indianapolis a few times, even to Bermuda. Hayes really got around, and involved himself deeply in several causes: education (he served on multiple University boards), veterans affairs, prison reform, funding for blacks to obtain education, and church affairs (though he was not a member to any church). He was incredibly busy, and probably had the most productive post-presidency since John Quincy Adams. By the end he seemed quite happy with his life: surrounded by family, and with a spate of good works to his name.

Hoogenboom finishes with a nice afterword that discusses Hayes' place in history, noting particularly that he has been judged somewhat unfairly by more current standards instead of viewing him within the context of his own time. Hoogenboom respects and admires Hayes, but I do not think that it ever got in the way of him being accurate and honest in his excellent treatment of Hayes. While this is not a riveting biography in the style of Ron Chernow, it was a pleasure to read and was exceedingly well-written. When an author can take a remote, mostly forgotten figure and bring him to life, it is a job well-done.

Grade: A

[Steve · Rating 4 out of 5]

http://bestpresidentialbios.com/2014/...

“Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior & President” is Ari Hoogenboom’s 1995 single-volume biography of our nineteenth president. Hoogenboom is professor emeritus at the City University of New York – Brooklyn College and a well-known scholar of the Gilded Age.

Hoogenboom’s book was the first comprehensive biography of Hayes following Harry Barnard’s 1954 “Rutherford B. Hayes: And His America.” This modern examination of Hayes’s life is well-researched, competently argued, appropriately detailed and extremely thorough.

Unapologetically sympathetic to Hayes, Hoogenboom uses the book’s opening pages to make the case for Hayes as a more noble man – and far more successful politician – than history recalls. He amplifies his favorable opinion in the book’s closing chapters where his subject’s most serious mistake is alleged to have been…failing to run for a second term. The book’s core, however, follows a “just-the-facts” style of presentation with comparatively little op/ed flavor.

The former president who emerges is more decent and far more progressive than the Hayes described by an earlier generation of historians. We meet a man dedicated to government reform, universal access to education, fairness toward the Indians, a champion of equal rights, and a man acutely worried about the wealth gap between rich and poor.

But we also meet a president who was only narrowly elevated to higher office. Having barely survived a famously contested presidential election, Hayes assumed the presidency at a time of continued social and political disharmony. Hoogenboom convincingly argues that Hayes – who lacked the political stature and mandate of his predecessor – implemented as much social, economic and political reform as his party, and the country, would tolerate.

And while the disputed election of 1876 is thoroughly explained for the reader, it is surprisingly uninteresting and almost tedious. This is fairly typical of the author’s writing style: Hoogenboom is a facts-oriented historian rather than a novelist. His 540-page text reads like a lengthy newspaper article, not like a narrative seeking to place the reader beside Hayes during his journey through life.

Similar to the life of Ulysses Grant, the most interesting portions of Hayes’s life were his action during the Civil War and his post-presidency. Both of these periods are covered thoroughly and descriptively and were more interesting than the chapters covering Hayes’s presidency.

Yet a core piece of Hayes is missing from this coverage. The reader is never acquainted with the inner-man himself. We never really understand how Hayes saw the world or how he made difficult decisions. We simply see the external result of his internal machinery. But Hoogenboom makes no claims of being a psychologist and on the more historically important task of examining Hayes’s presidency and reassessing his legacy the author is quite successful.

Overall, “Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior & President” is a thorough and detailed biography which also offers a useful perspective on Hayes’s life and legacy. Hoogenboom’s style is not to embellish or entertain – and Hayes provides little for an author to dramatize. But while this biography is rarely captivating it is well-written, consistently thoughtful, and seems likely to remain the standard one-volume treatment of the life of Rutherford Hayes.

Overall rating: 3¾ stars

[Christian Dibblee · Rating 2 out of 5]

This book was a slog, really difficult to get through. The writing was very good, but the book rarely is interesting enough to keep the reader occupied. My desire to finish it was motivated primarily by getting through another president but also that I had renewed it twice at the library.

Much of the book's first 200 pages focuses on his service during the war. While interesting in the way all war stories are, Hayes served primarily in the West Virginia theater, an area that was of little interest due to the relative anonymity of the fighting there. But the depictions of camp life and the friendships he made during that time were helpful for later. Amazingly, Hayes served with both future presidents Garfield and McKinley in the Ohio regulars.

One area I thought the book didn't discuss well was the Election of 1876. This is a huge moment for the nation and one that I was anxious to learn more about. Instead the recounting of the election was downright boring and tough to penetrate. The moment of Southern members asking for certain concessions in return for not filibustering the inauguration should be monumental, as should the move by election boards in SC and LA to certify returns for Hayes. Instead, the episode passes like all others in the book; a faithful recounting of facts with no noticeable change in written quality.

Hoogenboom is unapologetically defensive of Hayes as a president. He brands Hayes as the least partisan president between JQA and TR except Lincoln, which is a fairly outlandish claim considering his elevation to the presidency on the back of a partisan process. But the author defends his claim fairly well. He certainly is right to point out Hayes's interest in civil service reform and starting the ball rolling towards achieving a separation of politics and government service. The discussion of Hayes's response to the Great Strike is also interesting and something I knew nothing about prior to reading this book. Much of his presidency also discusses returning to the gold standard to counteract inflation, something Hayes was able to achieve. But it didn't make for exactly scintillating reading.

Hoogenboom holds fast to the notion that Hayes' policy towards the South was the best he could do within limitations. According to the author, the country had tired of Reconstruction, the House was predominantly Democrat, and Hayes had his hands tied. I am sure Hayes believed strongly that he did what he could in those circumstances, and Hoogenboom defends that analysis. But one has to imagine Hayes could have done more to protect Southern blacks, such as leaving troops in some of the worst offending states, such as Louisiana. I will be curious to read other books that discuss Hayes's policy. That said, Hoogenboom may be right that a second term for Hayes could have been a good outcome for the country. He at least ran as a Radical Republican in Ohio and had great care for the rights of blacks in the South, particularly compared to his successors. As things got worse, he might have been more interested in those things.

Hayes's post-presidency is fairly interesting. He worked on various foundations for the education of blacks nationwide and looking to provide national public education. In addition, Hayes began to doubt the influence of money and income inequality in politics. Hoogenboom is right, it's tough to think of other ex-Presidents except Jimmy Carter who spent so much time traveling and working on social causes.

In short, Hayes may have some virtues as a president, though I think Hoogenboom is perhaps too glowing in his review of Hayes. Above all, this book was extremely hard to read and therefore to enjoy.

[Joshua · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rutherford Birchard Hayes is one of the presidents who gets lost in the tumult of history. Hoogenboom provides us with an illuminating biography, taking advantage of the copious letters and journals that the man left behind, to give us an image of a president who bucks the mold of many: Hayes was a decent man.

The reconstruction presidents suffer badly from the difficulty of sectional politics, still deeply embedded in the national consciousness. Hayes was smart enough to see that though he was not an abolitionist, once the Civil War had begun the only possible solution was to end slavery. He saw it as a necessary war goal long before the public at large did, or even the leadership. He was a union man to the end, and saw republican politics in the post-war era as a fight over the legacy of that war.

It complicates his legacy, then, that he was elected in the contested 1876 elections. Hoogenboom's portrayal of Hayes throughout the crisis is excellent. Put in the precarious position of confirming the results in contested or close elections in several southern states, Hayes ended up confirming his own election while giving up on the last Republican governments in the south in favor of probably unelected but popularly supported democratic governors.

The difficulty is that without voter suppression in the south, there's a good chance Hayes would have won those states (and possibly others). Ultimately, though, both sides lied and cheated, and the compromise was Hayes as president and "local sovereignty" of whites in the south.

I think Hoogenboom ends up being a little more kind to Haye's reform efforts than I would be. It seems likely that Hayes recognized the utility of a partisan government, and that his reticence to overhaul the system was not as unintended as the author would make us believe. Still, while overshadowed by so many things in the "Gilded Age" American scene, Hayes was a more or less competent president, who made a good faith effort to reduce corruption. (I agree with Hoogenboom that Hayes did not know about the post office scandal stuff. Like Grant, his presidency was tarnished by corruption that was discovered after the fact but present long before).

Why I think Hayes is worth remembering though, is less for his generally competent if uneventful presidency and more for his commitment to public education through the Peabody group and his efforts to improve the education of both whites and blacks (even if his belief that the "better part" of the South would rise above racism and discrimination was almost hopelessly naive.)

This book brought me to the conclusion that I like Hayes as a person - refusing public office when he could be fighting, his faith in the union, and his belief in public education as an equalizing force, as well as his commitment to help blacks in his post-presidential years - make him stand out as a man of better character than most.

[Campbell Stites · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book on RBH was surprisingly very well written and very informative. When I had to pay $56 for this book on amazon because there were so little of them, I assumed that it would be a snooze fest full of straight facts with no character or story, but I was wrong. Hoogenboom did a magnificent job on Hayes’ biography, from his birth to death. I was really engaged in it and had trouble putting it down sometimes. For readability, I am going to give this book a solid 8/10. The author toed the line perfectly of a lot of details and facts, while not losing the story and flow. Although I do believe he focused a lot on some trivial issues, overall I could understand the reading well. For depth, I have to give this book a 9/10. I am shocked about how much I didn’t know about Rutherford B. Hayes and was amazed about how Ari patched together his life. At 540 pages, you expect a very in depth review of the man, and Hoogenboom delivered. For engagement, I will give this book a 7.5/10. I was usually engaged in this book and thought the story flowed well, but like every book, sometimes I was a bit bored and felt like I was reading the same thing over and over. Overall, this book blew my expectations out of the water and I am really glad I chose the longer one. The author was able to help me really get t know the man RBH, and did a great job telling his story. Overall Rating: 8/10. For Rutherford himself, I was thoroughly impressed by his early life and career and really enjoyed reading about it. His rise to politics was very unique and honorable as well. As for him as a president, he had a very tough spot coming in and sadly did the best he could. Virtually ending reconstruction and resuming southern hostility is not the best thing. On the other hand, he was instrumental in enforcing the 14th and 15th amendments and was a big factor in civil service and patronage reform (talked about a little too much in this book for my liking). He also helped establish OSU and was a strong soldier (wounded many times) in the civil war. His post presidency was also filled of service and leadership, but his political career was a lot of nothing, so for accomplishments, I give him a 5/10. For “great scale,” I truly believe he was very great man and lawyer and soldier, but just could never do enough in the political world to cement himself in the history books, although he did a great job unifying the country and bringing more peace during his term, 5/10. Hayes was an honorable man, and did a lot of things that I admire, I would have loved to see him with a second term.

[Judy Baker · Rating 3 out of 5]

I think that of all of the American Presidents I have met in my reading so far, I have the closest affinity to Rutherford B Hayes, having spent one year at Ohio Wesleyan University and walked the same streets of charming Delaware, Ohio, as he had, though I somehow missed the sulfur springs. (And yes, having been born and bred in Pennsylvania, I do my best to distance myself from my state's only president, Buchanan!) Hoogenboom writes a thorough narrative of Hayes' life, balancing his personal, military, and political life. Hayes served in the Union army, Kanawha division, with distinction, and was supportive of his veteran comrades and their widows his whole life. Hayes was a very socially-minded president, recognizing that education for all, black and white, rich and poor, was the best means of improving the fabric of the American people, a passion that he championed long after he had left the White House. Unfortunately, his naivete, allowing unreconstructed Southerners to give a nodding acceptance, coupled with the North's own form of racism and apathy, left that actual change in education equality for a much later date. (How well I remember the busing integration issues in Boston and other parts in the 1970s-80s, a century later.) He took on the fight to reform the civil service, a spoils system that was entirely partisan and had become a means of supporting whatever party was in power, forcing civil servants to pay a percentage of their income to the party. He fought hard to remove the appointing power from Congress, emphasizing that civil servants should be removed from their positions only because of shoddy workmanship, using the New York collection agency as his test case. Unfortunately he managed to anger both spoilsmen and other reformers by his means, for at time he himself fell victim to awarding positions to strengthen the party. He championed the gold standard, that helped to strengthen the economy, recovering from the depression of 1873. He stood firm against the big money railroad monopolies during the Great Railroad Strike of 1877. He remained firm in his promise to only serve one term in office, and he and Lucy were one of the first couples to leave the White House, considering their four years there some of the best of their lives. Mark Twain championed Hayes as one of the greatest presidents to have lived, though many today rank him as mediocre at best. Perhaps he was a man before his time, having a vision of equality for all (blacks, whites, Indians, though a little hard on the Chinese) and a vision of the best civil servants for the job regardless of party affiliation, but lacked the political wherewithal to bring his dreams to fruition.

[Mark · Rating 2 out of 5]

Despite enjoying the rare distinction of having served as president of the United States, Rutherford Hayes is usually dismissed as one of the indistinguishably undistinguished Gilded Age occupants of that office. Ari Hoogenboom's biography of the 19th president challenges such treatment. In it, the author offers an account of Hayes's life and political career that shows him to be a humane person whose efforts to do more for African Americans and the other causes of his era were frustrated by political circumstances. Yet Hoogenboom is only partly successful in his effort to rehabilitate Hayes's reputation, for while he shows his subject to have been a surprisingly modern figure in terms of his views on the issues of his day, Hayes's ineffectiveness as president ultimately limits a complete revision. As a result, Hayes comes across as something of a disappointment, a man who was unable to alter the course of events. In this respect, Hoogenboom's book is useful not only as a study of Hayes but as an account of the limits of the presidency in Gilded Age America, albeit one that some readers might find longer than was necessary.

[Elyse✨ · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rutherford B. Hayes kept a diary. What more could an author ask for when attempting to create an accurate biography? RBH didn't hold back in his memoirs - he even included the time he got poison ivy on his nether regions. So with this tool I believe the author, Ari Hoogenboom, likely got his facts straight on the career of the 19th US president.

"Rud", as his family nicknamed him, bravely fought in the American Civil War. His presidential ambitions included education for freed black citizens, adherence to the gold standard for currency, and civil service reform. He was a moral and low-key man. So low-key that history has pretty much written him off. RBH insisted on serving only one term - this, in addition to a balky congress, prevented him from completing his objectives. It didn't bother him much. He retired as president thinking he did a pretty good job. As a private citizen he continued to work on these projects.

I enjoyed this biography - especially the Civil War episode. It was very readable and kept my interest throughout.

[Dale · Rating 3 out of 5]

Excellent biography of a president who is often dismissed or ignored. Within the realities of his time Hayes, particularly in retirement, was quite progressive in his thinking on issues of social justice and universal education. Pragmatic and realistic in his approach, Hayes accomplished quite a bit during his administration given the congress and public sentiment he had to work with during his term.

Hayes summed-up his political life, saying: "I am a radical in thought and a conservative in method."

[Rachel N. · Rating 3 out of 5]

This was an interesting biography on the 19th president of th U.S. Hayes isn't usually ranked that high among presidents but the author does make a case for Hayes doing some good despite reconstruction ending under his watch. I was most interested in the parts about Hayes relationship with his wife and kids and the work he did after he was president. He was a firm believer in education for all and in prison reform. The parts of the book detailling Hayes fights to maintain the gold standard of currency were boring. Overall I think the author did a good job covering a president who isn't studied much in U.S. schools.

[Amanda Grinavich · Rating 3 out of 5]

I dragged my feet a little with this one. Throughout my president reading journey, I've favored longer biographies because you can get a full picture of the individual and the country at the time. This one probably had a bit more detail than I needed. 😆 No regrets reading it though. I think his post-presidency work was one of the more interesting parts for me to learn about.

On to James Garfield! Which will be ... much shorter ... 😅

[Martin · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is an incredibly well-researched, very densely written biography of the 19th President. Before reading this book, I knew zero about Hayes. The author has filled the gap. Things I'd like to remember:
--Hayes served throughout the Civil War, making him famous across Ohio.
--He had a rich uncle. It was unclear if Hayes comings and goings while an attorney only worked because of the rich uncle.
--I'd like to visit Fremont, Ohio, which Hayes considered home.
--Hayes helped found OSU and sent his kid to MSU, so he wasn't perfect.
--Hayes, a Republican since the founding of the party, was a strong advocate for black and native American rights.
--He was elected President in a disputed election in which both sides cheated.
--It's weird to me that at that at the start of the war, Sherman said that Louisiana's majority did not want to join the Confederation, but at the end of the war Louisiana, along with South Carolina, were doing the least to provide civil rights to blacks.
--Hayes championed a $100K purchase of the book collection of Peter Force for the Library of Congress.
--Hayes sent U of M President James B. Angell to China as a diplomat in 1879 or 1880.
--In 1880 Hayes was the first President to visit the Puget Sound.
--"He serves his party best who serves his country best."
--The lesson of Garfield's assassination "is the folly, the wickedness, and the danger of the extreme and bitter partisanship.."
--"The question for the country is how to secure a more equal distribution of property."
--Late in life he continued to believe wealth was badly distributed.
--Hayes visited The White City.
--Hayes visited and appreciated the Lincoln statue in Chicago, which I also like to visit.

[Linda · Rating 4 out of 5]

Part of what makes this book so good is it is so thorough! The author did great research and obviously pieced together every facet of Rud's life. (Rud = short for Rutherford. As a young boy, Ruddy! How fun is that?) I even enjoyed reading the Notes and sources as I went along. For example, you read about how post-presidency Rutherford and family were at the Spiegel Grove house in Ohio and Rud was reading Anna Karenina and agreeing with Tolstoy's ideas and then you look in the endnotes and find the source as Rutherford Hayes' personal copy of Anna Karenina at the Hayes Presidential Center in Ohio...the author, Hoogenboom, went there and didn't just get the story of Rud's life but flipped through his books and looked at what he wrote in the margins! Because Hogoenboom knows Hayes so well, the reader of this bio also gets to know Hayes well. And Hayes was a great guy with integrity who kept his promise to not run for a second term, tried his damnedest for equal rights for blacks in the South, and worked hard to promote universal public education, among other good causes. I am a fan of Rutherford and his Buckeye loyalty makes me feel positively about Ohio as well!

[Chris Fluit · Rating 5 out of 5]

An excellent biography about an unheralded president. The author does a great job balancing the personal and the political- keeping track of Hayes' family even in the midst of the Civil War and, later, legislative battles. I really got to know Hayes as a person. I found him charming as a young man and admirable as an adult. The author didn't shrink away from criticizing Hayes- he was often naive as a president, expecting unreconstructed Southerners to keep their promises and congressional allies to act in the best interests of the country rather than for their own narrow advantage- but I came away with a positive impression overall. Hayes is indeed one of the unsung heroes of American history.

[Brent Ecenbarger · Rating 3 out of 5]

There was, Sherman detailed “a very decided opposition to the Administration in both Houses of Congress, among the Republican members.” Specifically, they objected to Evarts, Shurz, and Key in the cabinet, to making the civil service nonpartisan, to the pacification of the South, and most bitterly, to any attempt to “deprive Congressman or all control and share of the patronage of government.” Pg. 352-353

Finishing up Ron Chernow’s awesome biography on Ulysses S. Grant, Hayes had an uphill climb out of Grant’s shadow in this reader’s mind. Much like how Andrew Johnson looks like one of the worst presidents for bungling the gains made by the North and Lincoln in the Civil War, Hayes’s followup of Grant’s handling of reconstruction looks worse in comparison. Here Hoogenboom tries to excuse Hayes handling of reconstruction by saying Republican fatigue and Southern willpower made any further military enforcement in the south impossible. However, Hayes and Grant were both military men and Grant was willing to force an unpopular issue while Hayes was not. That single issue was the major downfall of Hayes in the eyes of historians, rightfully so. However, a man is more than just one bad decision that affected an entire population of people negatively for the next hundred years, so let’s look at the Hayes decisions in the context of who he is and my presidential rating rubric.

Born into – When Hayes was born, his mother was a pregnant widow with two other children, and his father died of Typhus while she was pregnant him. His older sister was two years older and his brother was seven years older. The older brother drowned while ice skating at the age of nine. His mother’s youngest brother was the “man of the house.” The money and house left over from his dad in Ohio were sufficient for the era (he co-ran a successful shop prior to his death). Hayes’s mother supported the family by renting space to lodgers or taking 1/3 of crops raised by farmers on her property.

Hayes was not a great student until he went to Kenyon College. At that time he got interested in political questions and debating. By Senior year, he was president of different organizations and ended up Valedictorian. Following college he studied law as an apprentice for a year, then went to Harvard Law to continue his education. Tragedy continued to follow his family, as his sister Fanny’s first child died less than a year after birth, and she suffered from what was likely post-partum depression after the birth of her second child and was committed to a Lunatic Asylum for several months. 4.5 out of 5.

Pre-President – Hayes tried to enlist for the Mexican American War but was dealing with a throat illness that his doctor convinced him going south would exacerbate. He did this even though he was a Whig and felt the war was improper. Hayes argued against the death penalty to the Ohio Supreme Court for two cases, as well as the Rosetta Armstead runaway slave case which he argued successfully, gaining regional notoriety. Hayes claimed he helped form the Ohio Republican party, but in actuality he was a grumbling Whig for the first few years who denied membership with the Republicans.

Hayes was appointed the job as Solicitor, which was a prestigious position, just prior to the Civil War. Continuing his family tragedy, his sister died in 1856 after her six year old son had died and her twins did not survive childbirth. Hayes enlisted in the Civil War and began as a major, despite no military experience. He was successful, doing lots of reading on the job and was elevated to Lt. Colonel, then Colonel. Hayes claimed he would rather stay a good Colonel than be a poor General, so he didn’t try to climb higher. Even at the end of the war when he became Brigadier General, he preferred to boast of his claims as a Colonel as he never went to battle as a General. Hayes was shot in the arm at the Battle of South Mountain, caused him to miss out on the Battle of Antietam. His numerous exploits in the war included raids on supplies, rail roads and salt mills. My impression is he was cautious when in charge (suffered few losses, only battles tended to be lopsided victories) but was willing to fight with his men when ordered into battle by others. He was wounded five times in battle altogether, with his biggest battles being the Battles of Winchester and Cedar Creek.

Hayes was elected to Congress while the war was still going on, and he continued to serve and did not report until after the South surrendered. Once in Congress, the big issues were how to deal with the south’s population totals and black voting rights, two issues that were intertwined. Hayes sometimes supported literacy tests for a right to vote, and later supported universal suffrage, but seemed to settle on tying the population (for representatives in congress) to how many people were actually allowed to vote. He was appointed the Chairman of Joint Committee on Library in Congress, acquiring many books of the Smithsonian. Hayes resigned from Congress to run for Governor. He supported black suffrage, had the reputation of a war hero, and won his first two elections handily. He showed a willingness to compromise on his morals (downplaying black’s voting rights when running for second term) when he believed it would help get him elected. Hayes founded what later became Ohio State University while he was Governor. He served two terms as governor initially, seeming to take the non-controversial Republican party line on most issues.

After serving two terms as governor, he took a few years off where he worked as attorney, got his affairs in order, spent more time with family (including his older sons who had discovered baseball). He also spent time and money getting a library off the ground. He was lured into running for Governor again with the idea that he would be put forward as a presidential candidate if he was elected. Despite his pessimism at his chances, he won by several thousand votes. At the republican convention he was an early favorite as a compromise candidate, being from an important swing state and always having been successful at elections without controversy. 3 out of 5.

Presidential Career – The initial election was very close, with it appearing Hayes had lost. However several states (Louisiana, Florida, South Carolina, Oregon) were either two close to call or in dispute. The result was Democrats wanting every vote recounted and Republicans wanting as many votes thrown out for impropriety or coercion as possible. Hayes removed forces in Lousiana and South Carolina shortly after election; utilizing them long enough to get in the White House but conciliating the south after taking office.

Morality appeared to be a big issue with the Hayes administration. Hayes banned alcohol (and stopped drinking himself) after a party for Tzar’s 2 sons got out of control. After the excesses of Grant nepotism, Hayes refused to give any position to somebody related to him by blood or marriage. He also appointed many women to Postmaster positions, which was not popular in many areas at the time. Historians will enjoy the celebrity occurrences at the White House, with the first presidential telephone installed and guests like Thomas Edison and John Phillips Souza sometimes in attendance.

The first large crisis Hayes had to deal with was a Railroad strike in several cities. Hoogenboom praised Hayes handling of the military during this time, only using them to protect property from destruction and not attacking/arresting protestors, but Hayes also encouraged Federal Judges holding protestors in contempt of court, setting a long term precedent that was anti-labor. The Nez Perce War in 1877 was another big conflict, leading to the famous Chief Joseph statement “I will fight no more forever.” As with most Indian conflicts, it originated when white settlers encroached and/or outright stole Indian land. It resulted in about 60+ casualties for Nez Perce and 180 for white Settlers and soldiers.

Hayes was a big fan of pardons, as well as prison reform. His handling of Chinese Immigration was better than most racist sentiments of era, but was couched in language to make it appear that it was all based on preserving American trade interests. His best moment was probably using a Veto to keep Southerners from repealing Federal Voting law protections; while he kept the laws on the book there was no enforcement for them. Hayes also opposed construction by a French businessman of the Panama Canal, which was an extension (or contradiction) of the Monroe Doctrine depending on your point of view. Additional controversies involved dealing with Mormon disregard for law in Utah and a West Point African American cadet who was found tied up and cut in his room and accused of faking the incident. Both events generated headlines but did not get resolved until after Hayes was out of office.

While in office, the national debt was reduced by nearly 100 million, and Hayes can certainly claim some of the credit for that. The only major controversy was the Star-Route frauds, which involved mail carriers having much larger revenue for routes but then using the money for political contributions instead of service. This didn’t really come to light until after her was out of office, but lack of oversight and key players all in place while Hayes was in office. While he supported Civil service reform (having government positions awarded for merit instead of patronage) he was unsuccessful on pushing it through aside from at the New York Custom’s House (which was the main port of entry and revenue generator for all of U.S. Customs). Hayes kept his promise of not running for reelection and seemed to quit doing anything of historical note once Garfield was elected. 2 out of 5.

Vice President – Congressman William Wheeler from New York (another important swing state) was picked as his running mate. Like most vice presidents of the era, there was little involvement in actually running the administration or setting policy. However, Wheeler became a family friend and confidant once in office, stayed in touch with Hayes family after their terms was over. It was even considered odd how frequently he would be at the White House while Hayes was in office. 3 out of 5.

First Lady – Hayes first met Lucy Webb when she was 16 and he was 26, his mom was trying to set him up. He visited her a few years later when she was in college, and she didn’t remember him at first. (When somebody commented on how young she was, Hayes indicated that was a problem that every day she was getting further away from.) Lucy was for no alcohol and abolition, and was also religious (much more so than Hayes who never joined a church). The two had several children together, son Birchard in 1853, son Webb 1856, Rutherford Jr in 1858, then “Little Joe” who died after 18 months. Little George also died while he was serving in Congress and away from home. Daughter Fannie was born while he was Governor. Two more sons arrived later on, Scott and Manning, the latter of which died at one.

Lucy helped establish Soldier and Sailor’s Orphan’s home in Ohio. She also loved having music in the White House, and was respected for being a good host for events. 3 out of 5.

Post Presidency – After office, Hayes kept up with Ohio State University responsibilities, worked on a number of community issues and focused a lot of his time on the Slater and Peabody Funds. These both focused on providing money for education of poor southern whites and blacks. Hayes was still very liberal on prison reform and wealth redistribution, and spoke out on both accordingly. Hayes remained naïve on southern sentiment toward blacks for the rest of his days believing that sentiments were shifting toward acceptance among the white populace. 4 out of 5.

Book itself - History repeats itself. Much like how Zachary Taylor reminded me a lot of William Henry Harrison, I (and Hoogenboom) noticed many similarities between Hayes and John Quincy Adams. Both were abolitionists who tried to do a lot of the right things in office, however their initial elections were accomplished by scandal (JQA’s deal with Clay, Hayes’s vote suppressing debacle) that tainted their one term presidencies. After leaving office, they continued to be involved in numerous causes and work, though Adams’s was much more formal. I enjoyed the comparisons the author drew in this book, and feel like I had a good idea of who Hayes was by the end of it. Unfortunately that was mainly a guy who stayed middle of the road as much as possible in order to remain a candidate that didn’t offend anybody. 3 out of 5.

[Bryan · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rich Uncle, Opportunistic, Fraud, Duplicity, hypocrite, courage, steadfast, progressive, arrogant, communistic.

These words come to mind when I read about Rutherford B Hayes. It was a roller coasters of ups and downs. The chapter on his presidency had me changing my presidential ranking, changing on a whim at every page. Let's review;

Book Review:

Solid biography on a president that doesn't have much to choose from. The author clearly likes Hayes as you can tell from the beginning and ending sections of the book but it doesn't become over bearing like Chernow. I would of liked a little more detail on the election of 1876 but I understand why it was trimmed down as whole books are written on what maybe the most controversial election in the nations history.

Presidential Review

It is more than likely that the Republicans did indeed fudge the numbers to win the election of 1876 as even Grant noticed this towards the end of his presidency. Also, Hayes did indeed forge a deal to pull troops out of the South with a would be promise from the southern stats to respect the rights of blacks to vote. He would set up a lot of these would be promises and think the best of the south in his life. Maybe it was his way of saying he solved the issue when he didn't solve much and more pushed blacks into a new era of Jim Crowe laws.

Continuing with social justice he continues for the most part with Grant's Indian policy which was a breakthrough at the time and pushes for education for not only poor whites in the south but also recently free slaves as well. This would become part of his life long work and would eventually lead him to helping WEB Dubois receive a scholarship during his post presidency years. He also kept insisting that the south uphold the 15th amendment and would veto riders that the Democrats would add on to bills removing the ability for the federal government to protect the vote.. While this is all good in theory he never enforced the protection of the 15th amendment even less the protection of the recently freed slaves from the horrors of the southern whites.

The author seems to give too much credit to Hayes for his financial policy of going back to the gold standard. Yes, it did help the economy but the real booster was Grant's financial policy when he vetoed the inflationist bill during his tenure for short term hurt but long term recovery.

The last point I'll touch on with regards to his presidency is his civil service reform. While good meaning, it was always a policy Hayes applied to others but not himself. He couldn't see the hypocrisy in appointing the same judge ballot counters that gave him the victory to cabinets and even the judge that was on the special counsel of democrats and republicans to elect the next president while denying the senate their "payback" favors as well.

Haye's post presidential life is full of progressive reform with regards to education, prison reform and wealth redistribution(gets sort of communistic here he even has to fight off rumors of it as well). He is way a head of his time and must be given credit for his fight for education through out the deep south especially for his extensive work for blacks in the south during his post presidency.

Presidential Ranking C

Interesting Facts;

Founded THE Ohio State University
Lucy(Hayes's wife) started the first egg roll on the White House lawn
Lucy was also the first college educated first lady in the white house.
First president to visit the west coast, first telephone and typewriter in the white house
Signed multiple women to Post Masters
Signed a law that allowed the first woman to argue before the supreme court.

[Jdb · Rating 3 out of 5]

3-3.5 stars

The pre-presidential writing of this bio is stiff and somewhat dull, as the author practically pulled the narrative verbatim from Hayes’ personal diary. Like JQ Adams, Hayes was the 2nd President to keep a lifelong diary, but unlike JQ, it was a what/where/when without much color.

He was a colonel in the Union army and saw quite a bit of action although not in any of the major named battles. He was wounded 5 times.

Once the story gets to the 1876 election, the writing springs to life. Unfortunately for the Big Orange Man, this election (and perhaps the one in 1824) is the really fraudulent one. Hayes received the Republican nomination on the 36th ballot as a compromise candidate and won the electoral college vote due to Republican control of an election commission set up by Congress to decide which of the dual certified slates from La., Fla, and S.C. were legitimate.

Hayes’ presidential reputation is rather undistinguished when compared to giants like Washington, Jackson, Lincoln, or FDR. But this might be because Hayes faced no serious crises like the others. The economy rebounded from the 1873 panic, partly due to his support for a return to the gold standard which enabled his administration to significantly reduce the national debt.

He faced no serious foreign policy issue, although he is given some credit for insuring the U.S. remained in control of any future Panama Canal project by invoking a corollary to the Monroe doctrine.

He tried to expand the military for protection of black voter rights at election time, but the Democratic controlled Congress refused appropriations to pay for it. Like Grant before him, southern white racism proved much too strong to make the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments a reality for blacks.

He tried for civil service reform but was only partially successful as Congress refused to pass legislation, jealous of their traditional influence in assigning patronage in return for their political support in his election.

In retirement Hayes became a social reformer, practically a socialist and near Marxist in his views of labor and the wealthy. He became President of the Board of Trustees of Ohio State University, a school he previously helped establish.

He was a man of integrity and honesty and his administration was relatively free from corruption.

[Tom Mobley · Rating 5 out of 5]

Ari Hoogenboom’s biography of Rutherford B. Hayes surprised me in the best possible way. Going into the book, I didn’t expect to admire Hayes, but by the end, I found myself deeply impressed—particularly by his honorable and courageous service during the Civil War. He didn’t just sit behind a desk; Hayes was wounded multiple times and continued leading from the front, earning the loyalty and respect of those under his command. However, I was troubled by the way he became president. The controversial Compromise of 1877, which effectively ended Reconstruction in exchange for the presidency, makes it hard not to feel like the Republicans “stole” the election. And while it’s always complicated to judge a presidency in hindsight, I believe he did reasonably well with the cards he was dealt. His veto of the Bland-Allison Act and his firm stance against the inflationary greenback movement showed a consistent, principled approach to economic policy—one that prioritized long-term stability over political gain.

As someone who works in HR and studies labor relations, I found Hayes’ response to the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 especially compelling. His decision to call in federal troops set a significant precedent and reflected the growing tensions between capital and labor. I could not help but to draw parallels with echoes of what we’re seeing in Los Angeles today.

But what moved me most were Hayes’ views on social reform. He believed deeply in the power of education, not just for formerly enslaved Black Americans facing brutal racism, but also for poor whites—recognizing that ignorance and inequality were shared burdens across racial lines. His advocacy for prison reform and concerns about wealth inequality were forward-thinking and humane. It’s hard not to wonder what more he might have accomplished had he pursued a second term, but I admire that he spent his post-presidency actively working on the very issues he cared most about. I absolutely loved this book—it challenged my assumptions and introduced me to a leader whose quiet moral courage still resonates.

[Brian Willis · Rating 3 out of 5]

Hayes falls within the panoply of Presidents - most recently Ford, Carter, H.W. Bush - who by all accounts are decent, good human beings with a moral compass who weren't "good enough" to get a second term or go down as a "great" President.

Hayes doesn't have much of a scandalous personal life; in fact, he was pretty honorable and decent and he served with courage and distinction in the Civil War, though not in prominent battles or generalships. His Presidency didn't have traumatic events, and was part of a regression of the consequences of the Civil War (that frankly led to the crippling damage of segregation and the Civil Rights movement). He was a principled man, in an era where the Presidency was much more restrained and limited by the party politics of Congress.

So why read this book? It's good and well researched. It's the best full biography of Hayes published in the last three decades, and if you are collecting full Presidential biographies, this would be the one for a full account. However, his life wasn't eventful enough for a dedicated bio. The Election of 1876, the most contested and closest in American history, was settled by a backroom deal to ensure Republican party power in Washington, while agreeing to end Reconstruction in exchange, which handcuffed Hayes to a large degree. This was the age of scandal, which tainted Grant's Presidency, and was fairly clean during Hayes's time, or at least he had no personal hand in any scandal. But it wasn't a great reign either. The watershed moments would have to wait for Theodore Roosevelt.

If you are interested in Rutherford Birchard Hayes the man or politician, this is the book. A solid full chapter on his Presidency in a survey of the politics of the period would also do for the more casual political reader. Not the author's fault at all. The subject is good, just not enthralling without a larger Gilded Age context. Good, as good as I suppose it could be, but not great. Like Hayes himself.

[Darrell · Rating 5 out of 5]

Rutherford Birchard Hayes was born in Ohio in 1822 a couple months after his father died of typhus. Two of his siblings died before he was born and when he was two, his brother drowned while ice skating. As a result, his mother became very protective of her two remaining children.

Rud (as he was called) was 7 before she allowed him to play with other children and 9 before she let him play sports. He was very close with his older sister Fanny who was a tomboy and superb rifle shot.

At 13, he began attending Norwalk Seminary, then later Webb's Preparatory School in Connecticut. He started attending Kenyon College when he was 16. After graduation, he studied law under a mentor for a year before going to Harvard Law School. He started practicing law in Lower Sandusky (later renamed Fremont) where his uncle lived.

His mother and sister were urging him to marry, but he delayed a few years. His mother introduced him to Lucy Webb, who was almost 16. She was nine years younger than him. His sister said she was too young for him, but he replied that "Youth, however, is a defect that she is fast getting away from and may perhaps be entirely rid of before I shall want her." The fact she was too young to marry had the added benefit of allowing him to delay marriage a bit longer.

After moving to Cincinnati, he visited Lucy Webb at Wesleyan, although she didn't remember him at first. At a wedding, he was a groomsman and Lucy a bridesmaid. When the cake was cut, Hayes discovered a gold ring in his slice and gave it to Lucy, telling her he would be hers if she found that agreeable, but she didn't take him seriously.

They eventually got engaged on his "lucky" Friday the 13th of June 1851. Earlier in the day, Hayes saw a woman about to be trampled by a runaway horse. He saved her by pushing her into a doorway and, being the proper Victorian, he also apologized for grabbing her so unceremoniously.

Hayes and Lucy married about a year and a half later. They hid nothing from each other. She had access to his diary and would sometimes write in it herself. She convinced him to give up drinking, to attend church with her, and to become more anti-slavery (her family had freed their slaves when she was a child and they had stayed on as servants). Their first son was born in 1853. They bought a house by borrowing money from Hayes' mother and uncle.

He had a couple high profile murder cases as a lawyer. He saved a woman from the gallows by having her declared insane. He began defending runaway slaves, including the high-profile Rosetta Armstead case in which a slaveholder freed Rosetta in front of witnesses, then later changed his mind and declared her a runaway slave. Hayes won her freedom.

His sister Fanny died on July 16, 1856 after giving birth to twins who also didn't survive. Ruddy was devastated and envied those who believed in an afterlife.

Hayes eventually aligned with the new anti-slavery Republican party. He was elected to city solicitor of Cincinnati and once won $250,000 for the city from a railroad. The increased pay allowed him and Lucy to pay off their mortgage and make an addition to their house.

When the Civil War broke out, Hayes joined as a major in the 23rd Regiment of the Ohio Volunteers and got his brother-in-law Joe Webb appointed the regiment's surgeon. He thought army life was fun. After a few skirmishes in western Virginia, he was made judge advocate and later lieutenant colonel. He employed some runaway slaves as cooks and servants in the 23rd and urged his uncle Sardis to find work for some runaway slaves he sent to Ohio.

In September 1862, Hayes and the 23rd spearheaded the assault on Turner's Gap. A musket ball hit his arm just above the elbow, fracturing his bone, leaving a gaping hole, and bruising his ribs. He had to sit down and drifted in and out of consciousness while the battle raged around him. Believing that he was about to die, he struck up a conversation with a wounded Confederate soldier, giving him messages to deliver to his family and friends.

The Battle of South Mountain was a Union victory, although 130 of Hayes' men were killed. By his 40th birthday, Hayes was promoted to colonel after he recovered from his wound. In May 1863, while his family was visiting him at Camp White, his eighteen-month-old son Joe suddenly sickened and died.

While Hayes was fighting battles, friends back home nominated him for Congress and he won the election. Also, his fifth son was born. During his last battle at Cedar Creek, Hayes' horse was killed underneath him. He fell, injuring his ankle and got knocked unconscious. His wife Lucy helped nurse him and other soldiers back to health. He was promoted to brigadier general shortly after.

During the course of the war, he'd been wounded five times, and had four horses shot from under him. He loved the 23rd and refused promotions that would take him away from his men. He would often tell his men to yell like devils when they charged, which intimidated the enemy into falling back.

As a congressman, he was in favor of giving black men the vote, the Civil Rights Act, and the Reconstruction Bill. While he was in congress, his son George died of scarlet fever.

While he was campaigning for governor of Ohio, his daughter Fanny (named after his sister) was born. He was elected and urged Ohio to give the vote to black men, but the legislature was dominated by Democrats who refused. While governor, he oversaw the construction of the Ohio Deaf and Dumb Asylum (he had an uncle who was deaf).

He won reelection. This time, the legislature was majority Republican and Ohio ratified the 15th Amendment giving black men the vote. His wife Lucy was instrumental in establishing an orphans' home at Xenia. After leaving the governor's office he ran for Congress again but didn't get elected. His eighth child Manning Force was born and died about a year later.

Hayes got the Republican nomination for president. Samuel J. Tilden got the Democratic nomination. In southern states, the Democratic party used murder to intimidate black people and keep them from voting and they didn't count the votes of black people who did manage to vote. The Republicans gave up any hope of winning most of the southern states. However, South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana were still controlled by Republican returning boards which could throw out votes obtained through fraud and violence.

When the Republican boards decided the election for Hayes, as well as the state level positions, the Democrats organized rival state governments in the three states. They ended up with two sets of electors. A commission declared Hayes the winner. However, southerners filibustered to prevent the certification of the election until Republicans, including President Grant and spokesmen for Hayes (Hayes himself stayed out of it) promised troops would be withdrawn from Louisiana and South Carolina. Hayes was finally declared the winner of the election the day before he was sworn into office.

Hayes delayed the troop withdrawal and Democrats, who controlled the House of Representatives, vowed to cut military funding. Public opinion in the north was more concerned with the economic depression going on than the civil rights of black people. Faced with the political impracticability of continuing to use troops to uphold state governments, Hayes ultimately decided to betray the Republicans in South Carolina and Louisiana who put him into the White House by withdrawing their military protection. The Republican governors of the two states were replaced by Democrats who did nothing to protect black people.

Hayes appointed 18 women to be postmistresses, which angered male chauvinists. Hayes also nominated Frederick Douglas to be marshal for the District of Columbia. He reformed the corrupt New York customhouse (dismissing future president Chester A. Arthur and others). When Arthur became president, he got even by dismissing Hayes' appointees.

In July 1877, railroad workers went on strike due to multiple pay cuts on top of 12-hour days and unsafe working conditions. They stopped freight trains (but not passenger trains). The strike spread throughout the country and became known as The Great Strike. Dozens died in the fighting between state militias and strikers. There was looting and burning. Hayes sent in troops to keep the peace and protect property, but not to be strikebreakers and federal troops didn't kill anyone. The public was on the strikers' side. The railroad companies improved working conditions and restored worker's pay.

In 1855, the federal government guaranteed the Nez Percé could remain in their ancestral homeland in the Oregon area. However, when gold was discovered, white settlers trespassed onto Nez Percé land and didn't leave. President Grant ordered the Nez Percé to leave. When Hayes took office, they were expelled to a reservation in Idaho, but some of them went on a rampage killing over a dozen white settlers. Over 300 died in the Nez Percé War, which could have been avoided if Hayes had abided by the 1855 treaty and let them stay on their land.

Hayes, however, learned from his mistake. When Chief Moses refused to move to a reservation, Hayes sent in the army to prevent civilians from expelling them. When the Union Pacific wanted to build a railroad through a reservation, Hayes said they couldn't do it without the Indian's permission. He also prevented the White River massacre from escalating into war. When the Sioux (who had fled to Canada after annihilating Custer) returned to the US, Hayes prevented the army from killing them in revenge. He prosecuted a man who illegally brought settlers to Indian Territory.

A superb contralto, Lucy enjoyed singing folk and gospel songs and invited musicians to perform at the White House. Thomas Edison demonstrated his new phonograph invention. Since Lucy preferred modesty, low cut gowns with short sleeves were the exception rather than the rule at White House parties. She encouraged Hayes to ban liquor in the White House and the temperance society of Washington was named after her, until she attended a party that served liquor and they changed their name. She enjoyed fishing and once served a 15-pound salmon she caught at a White House dinner.

During the midterm election of 1878, whites in the south used intimidation, violence, and outright fraud to prevent black men from voting. Hayes asked Congress not to seat the newly-elected Democrats, vowed to bring offenders to justice, and asked Congress for money to enforce the 14th and 15th amendments. However, the Democrats already controlled the House and now controlled the Senate and ignored his suggestions. The Democrats passed bills that would prevent troops from being used to ensure peaceful and fair elections in the south and Hayes vetoed them.

He helped the economy by resuming the gold standard, which lowered interest rates and stimulated economic activity. He supported prison reform. He also pardoned hundreds of people for what he considered miscarriages of justice. His most unpopular pardon was for Ezra Hervey Heywood, founder of the New England Free Love League who was found guilty of mailing obscene matter (a pamphlet called Cupid's Yokes promoting free love.) Hayes didn't agree with the free love movement, but didn't consider the pamphlet obscene, so he pardoned him. (However, later a different man was found guilty of distributing the same pamphlet and Hayes didn't pardon him, changing his mind on its being obscene.)

Although not religious, he joked that he was close to Methodism since every night he slept with someone of that persuasion. He nevertheless attended church regularly to keep first his mom, then his wife happy.

In the 1870s, anti-Chinese sentiment was on the rise since Chinese people often provided cheap labor which took jobs from white people. There were anti-Chinese riots in San Francisco. Congress passed a Chinese exclusion bill limiting immigration which Hayes vetoed. This angered Westerners who burned him in effigy.

Cadet Johnson Chesnut Whittaker, the only African American attending West Point, was attacked by masked assailants who beat him, cut his hair, slashed his ear, tied him up and left him to be found the next morning. The superintendent of West Point claimed he did it to himself to avoid a test and wanted to expel him, but Hayes made him keep Whittaker in school and replaced the racist superintendent with Oliver Otis Howard, former head of the Freedman's Bureau and Howard University. After Hayes left office, however, Whittaker was found guilty of faking the attack on himself and was kicked out of West Point.

During retirement, Hayes' most important activity was providing education for the disadvantaged. He was a trustee of the Peabody Educational Fund whose mission was to improve schools in the South. He was also president of the Slater Fund which promoted the education of black southerners (W.E.B. Du Bois was one of the beneficiaries of this fund). He unsuccessfully campaigned for the federal government to spend more on education. He was named a trustee of Ohio State University, of which he was the chief founder. He believed in practical education which prepared students for jobs and learning by doing.

He also became president of the National Prison Reform Association with Theodore Roosevelt as treasurer. He believed prison was a training school for crime and advocated complete isolation. He believed a major cause of crime was lack of education and interference with equal rights and equal opportunities.

Hayes was opposed to monopolies and found it disgusting that railroad and oil company owners made millions of dollars while their workers struggled to make ends meet. He thought millionaires should pay higher taxes and blamed crime on the rich impoverishing the poor. He also wanted an end to the death penalty.

His wife Lucy died at the age of 57 after suffering a stroke. Hayes continued to be active, traveling the country, visiting universities, speaking on behalf of better treatment for Native Americans, African Americans, and workers until he died a few years later after a heart attack at age 70.

[Kenneth Murray · Rating 5 out of 5]

Such a great book about one of our lesser known presidents. I, too, knew nothing about Rutherford B. Hayes other than that he was a former president. Ari Hoogenboom’s research has opened my eyes to the fact that Hayes was a president deserving much more attention and respect than he has received. He lived and dealt with some the major issues of our country, slavery, war between the states, reuniting a divided country, civil rights, voter suppression, civil service reform and much more. Surprisingly, some of the issues of his life and time are still issues being dealt with today. An antislavery lawyer, fearless union soldier and general and finally politician and president. Hayes seems to be a man of his word, promising to only serve 1 term as president and then sticking by his promise while being urged to run for a second term. Rather refreshing in this day and time. He was a man who valued his family above all else as recounted in the book. This is a wonderful biography that shows Rutherford B. Hayes was not only a man of his times but also a man with a vision of what could and should happen to this country.

[Gabriel Riekhof · Rating 3 out of 5]

"They are not aliens or strangers. . . They are here by the misfortune of their fathers and the crime of ours. Their labor, privations, and sufferings, unpaid and unrequited, have cleared and redeemed one third of the inhabited territory of the Union. Their toil has added to the resources and wealth of the nation untold millions. Whether we prefer it or not, they are our countrymen, and will remain so forever. Our government . . . is not the government of any class, or sect, or nationality, or race. It is not the government of the native born, or of the foreign-born, of the rich man, or of the poor man, of the white man, or of the colored man – it is the government of the freeman, the government of the governed.’”
- Rutherford B. Hayes, still relevant today, 149 years later.

A great biographer is one who perfects a balance between enough detail to contextualize events and personify their subject without losing the reader in the minutia. While Ari Hoogenboom does a wonderful job characterizing Hayes in “Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior and President,” it often comes with extraneous detail. For that reason, it’s been difficult for me to pinpoint exactly how I feel about this book. On one hand, Hoogenboom revives Hayes from historical figure to breathing, relatable human, which is always a mark of distinction in biography. On the other hand, this work required excruciating effort to move from one key point to the next.

Despite the occasional struggle of the reader to arrive at them, Hoogenboom provided memorable narrative of Hayes’s most important moments in life (which is surprisingly uncommon). Especially strong was the skillful recounting of the Presidential election of 1876 which found Hayes in a deadlock with his Democratic opponent Samuel Tilden. The result of the election was an infamous bargain negotiated in part by (future President) James Garfield, which gave the election to Hayes in return for the withdrawal of federal troops from the south. Jean Edward Smith, author of “Grant,” had this to say about the compromise: “The Hayes men surrendered the Negro to the Southern ruling class, and abandoned the idealism of Reconstruction, in return for the peaceable inauguration of their president.” Still, Hoogenboom makes a logical and convincing argument that due to waning northern support and a democratic congress, any attempt by Hayes to resuscitate reconstruction would have been futile. He then goes to great lengths to cement Hayes’s dedication to Black Americans in the memory of his readers, at one point, writing that Hayes was the last 19th century President sincerely interested in securing rights for African Americans.

When I decided to read presidential biographies, it was George Washington and Abraham Lincoln that were capturing my imagination - It certainly wasn’t Martin Van Buren or James Garfield. When I told people I was reading “Rutherford B. Hayes, Warrior and President” by Ari Hoogenboom, I received the same questioning looks that I would have given had our places been reversed just a short time ago. As usual, my initial reaction would have been wrong. It’s rare that I go into a work of nonfiction without any preconceived notions; after all, it’s hard growing up as an American without learning about Abraham Lincoln’s patience or Thomas Jefferson’s genius. Not the case for Rutherford B. Hayes. With Rutherford, I got a clean slate, one that overall, Hoogenboom painted with surprisingly vivid colors.

[Andy Miller · Rating 5 out of 5]

This biography acknowledges and confronts the current perception of Hayes, that he is a little known President with an undistinguished record who ineffectually presided over the end of Reconstruction.

Ari Hoogenboom, the author, successfully counters that view and writes an excellent book that paints Hayes as a good man and a good President who was in so many ways ahead of his time and perhaps limited by his time in not being able to accomplish more.

The chapters of the 1876 election and the end of reconstruction during the Hayes presidency are best understood after reading of Hayes' beliefs leading up to the civil war, his role in the civil war and in the drafting of the Reconstruction amendments14th and 15th)
Hayes was against slavery and viewed the civil war as a way to end it. He fought in the civil war and was wounded numerous times, including one very serious wound. His leadership led him to promotions so that ended the war as a general despite the lack of formal military training(though Hayes may have argued because of that lack as he disdained the West Point who he largely believed were ineffectual)

Hayes was in Congress during the drafting of the 14th and 15th amendment--he believed the purpose of the amendments was to ensure the fair treatment of Blacks in the south after the Civil War. He campaigned for ratification and for civil rights of Blacks in Ohio even when it was politically unpopular

Hoogenboom carefully details the 1876 election in which Hayes lost the total vote but one the electoral vote that was only final after a commission reviewed the results in 3 disputed states. Hoogenboom argues that Reconstruction was effectively over by the 1876 election, there were only two southern states with Republican presence and even in those states control only lasted for a few blocks around each capitol.

Hayes did what he could given the reality of the Southern intensity against Blacks, including using murder to block Blacks from voting and a growing apathy in the North. The Democrats in Congress had already essentially stripped funding for federal troops in the South.

Hayes' attitudes are also shown after he left the Presidency. He continued his efforts for better treatment of Blacks in the south, believed that education was the best answer and founded a foundation to fund schools for Blacks. Hayes also continued to speak out on racial issues. Hoogenboom places his efforts in the context of the times.

The book also discusses other aspects of Hayes. He notes that Hayes did not involve the army in the 1877 strike in the ways that management wanted, and also showed Hayes actions and attitudes in later labor conflicts. Hayes was also worried about the growing difference between the wealthy and the poor and believed it was bad for democracy. In fact, he saw federal regulations as a way to preserve Democracy in America

Hayes' personal life is also detailed in a way that makes you feel that you got to know him in a way that most biographies do not.
This is not an easy read, but a compelling one that is truly worth the effort

[Mark Roth · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book about America's 19th president was well written and informative. It paints a comprehensive portrait of Hayes' life, including his childhood, his family life, his distinguished service in the civil war, his presidency, and his efforts on various progressive causes in retirement.

Hayes is not generally considered to have been a very noteworthy president, partly because of his middle-of-the-road stance on most issues. However, the author effectively argues that when viewed in the context of his own time, Hayes' middle-of-the-road course was motivated not by lack of leadership but by a realistic evaluation of what the nation would be willing to bear. Hayes entered office after a disputed election (even more controversial than the one in 2000) and had no mandate. He felt strongly about protecting the rights of blacks in the south, but could not compel the south to comply, because public opinion would not support continued military occupation of the south. Similarly, he made some strides toward civil-service reform (such as a significant change in the way appointments were made in the New York customs house), but did not go far enough for many of the radical reformers. However, while Hayes did not achieve his ultimate goals on issues like these, he did lay as much groundwork in these areas as the nation was prepared to accept at the time.

I was also impressed by Hayes' commitment to progressive causes such as education reform. Having failed to enforce black rights in the south as president, he perceived that the best way to ensure the safety of those rights in the long term was to educate the black population, and he spent most of his later years organizing educational endowments.

Before reading this book, I thought that Hayes was just one of the many unnoteworthy presidents in the late nineteenth century. However, I now have a much greater respect for him. Hayes was ahead of his time in many ways but was intelligent enough to know the limits of what he could realistically accomplish. In doing so, he set the groundwork for many of the reforms that came after him.

[Earl Ecklund III · Rating 5 out of 5]

Rutherford B. Hayes is best remembered for winning the most disputed election in American history. 

In this exhaustive biography Ari Hoogenboom explores Hayes' life and career from his boyhood in Ohio to his service in the Civil War, his political career which began in the U.S. House of Representatives,  continued as Governor of Ohio and culminated in the presidency of the United States.

Throughout Hayes' career he championed education of disadvantaged Americans of all races, while he was unable to achieve anything in this regard as President he was able to successfully do get funding increases as Governor of Ohio and again as a former President.

As President Hayes sought to protect the right of black Americans, achieve a political alliance with former Whigs in the South to strengthen the Republican party, reform the civil service system which was in its infancy, and to fight the inflationary pressures of the silver and greenback factions in Congress. In foreign affairs Hayes tried to manage anti-Chinese fervor on the West coast by negotiating a  revision of treaties with China, was wary of French influence in deLessup's attempt to built a Panama canal,  and decided a boundary dispute between Argentina and Paraguay which resulted in Hayes becoming a national hero in Paraguay.

Hoogenboom also does an excellent job of exploring Hayes' relationships with his family. Hayes' relationship with his wife,  mother, sister and children were important pillars of Hayes' life and get their just due.

This is clearly the definitive biography of this largely overlooked President and I highly recommend it to anyone interested in Hayes, post Civil War America and Gilded Age politics.

[Mark Vikner · Rating 3 out of 5]

Hoogeboom's definitive biography of Rutherford B. Hayes was certainly thorough and I found myself with a much richer feeling of who Hayes was as a man and a president after completing this book. However, I will admit that I had a hard time getting motivated to move forward in the book at times. Perhaps it's was partly the lack of a Kindle edition - I had to get this heavy hardback from by local university library - and I had forgotten how inconvenient it can be to hold a big stack of dead tree, but I digress...

Although he's consistently ranked in the lower echelons of US presidents, my feeling was that he was a man in some ways ahead of his time. He was certainly progressive on prison reform and the role of the federal government in education, all positions that you might hear modern politicians have today, and also causes for which he fought long after leaving office. Since the main issues of the Gilded Age are difficult for us to understand today (civil service reform? inflationary policy?), perhaps Hayes was limited a little by his time.

He was also one of the most non-religious presidents we've ever had (even though he attended church every Sunday during his term to please his wife Lucy). He did not apologize for this, which I admire. Also an accomplished citizen-general and a popular governor of Ohio, Hayes truly was an accomplished man. It's a shame popular history has remembers him mainly as the only president to forbid alcoholic beverages in the White House. While nobody would argue he belongs in the class of Lincoln or FDR, in my opinion Hayes deserves more credit that he usually receives.

[Scott Cox · Rating 4 out of 5]

Biographer Ari Hoogenboom notes, "Hayes has suffered more than most presidents at the hand of writers who have judged him in a context divorced from his times" (p.536). What were the accomplishments of the successor to Presidents Grant, Johnson and Lincoln? First, he was truly a warrior. During the American Civil War he was wounded in battle more than any other President. Second, as a Republican officeholder, he championed civil-service reform, voting-rights for former slaves, stabilized the gold standard monetary system, education and prison reforms, and a humane American-native policy. So what does Hoogenboom consider to have been Hayes biggest shortcoming as President? That he campaigned and fulfilled his promise to be a one-term president. Fulfilling this promise limited his ability to effect lasting change on important issues that could have shaped national policy for future generations. Yet even in one term, Rutherford Hayes was able to initiate programs and establish a standard of honesty which could (and should) be emulated in future generations. Hayes characterized his Presidency as being "radical in thought (and principle), and conservative in method (and conduct)." The nation would do well to have more office-holders who are equally radical and conservative.

[Dave N · Rating 4 out of 5]

All in all a very complete and well written biography - almost what you would call the prototypical presidential biography. Hoogenboom ably details Hayes's life and balances well his personal and professional feats. The Foreward was a bit disconcerting as it laid out the biography for what it well might be - a hagiography of a somewhat controversial president. But, despite the fact that the author heaps very little criticism on Hayes throughout, the book doesn't try to make him out as a wonderful president either. If there is one criticism I could lay at the book's feet, it's that some of the more important aspects of Hayes's presidency - Reconstruction, the controversy surrounding the resumption of specie payments, and the precursor elements of what would be the Panama Canal - aren't detailed particularly well, which means that any reader really should be aware of these issues before reading the book if they hope to understand Hayes's role in them. Otherwise it's a fairly easy-to-digest biography, though I do feel that more general surveys of the period show Hayes in a much worse light.

[James Ruley · Rating 4 out of 5]

Going into this biography, I knew very little about Hayes, either as a person or as a president. Hoogenboom skillfully explores Hayes’ childhood and early adult life, making Hayes far more interesting than I perceived him to be. Of particular note, the chapters in on the disputed Hayes/Tilden election are riveting. Hoogenboom is a strong apologist for the Hayes presidency, portraying Hayes’ decisions as rational, pragmatic where necessary, but also principled. Hayes’ greatest achievement was undoubtedly pursuing civil service reform. However, many policy decisions, such as withdrawing federal troops from the South to ensure black voting rights, excluding Chinese laborers, and removing Native Americans, smack of cowardice or racism, especially in the 21st century. Nevertheless, as a man of his times, Hayes was remarkably sensitive and concerned about justice. Hoogenboom does a great job drawing this out in the final few chapters, exploring Hayes’ philanthropic efforts in education and racial justice.

My biggest fault with this book was the overuse of quotations. Often distracting and disjointed. Otherwise, an excellent biography of a slightly above average president.