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385 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1983
Thus the child learns to use manipulative and coercive tactics (such as whining, yelling, and temper tantrums) as a substitute social skill.
They do not state clear rules, require compliance, praise good behavior, or consistently punish violations. Instead, they threaten, scold, nag, bluster, and "natter" at the child, but, Patterson adds, "they seldom follow through on their threats." So the child continue to misbehave.
Self-help groups allow their members to understand and reinterpret what happened to them. [...] In any crisis, Jacobs observes, people turn first to friends and family. Unfortunately, friends and relatives often don't know what to say or do, or, worse, they are critical and disapproving. Many friends try to be supportive for a while, and then lose interest. They start offering pep talks: "Chin up," they say, or "Time heals," or "It's been long enough, time to get on with your life." "Not only are these platitudes unhelpful, they are usually guilt-inducing," says Jacobs. "Now the woman still feels angry at her ex-husband, and guilty for feeling angry."
"I think the real question is whether anger is serving or destroying you," Maurer says. "Is anger moving you forward, propelling you to make a better choice next time, or is it crippling you, offering a reason to hide from the world?"
"[...] But lots of people will agree with something you want simply to avoid conflict, when in fact they don't agree. They do make life difficult, because you don't know what's going on in their heads."
In such cases, Padesky advises calm assertiveness. "State how you feel - 'I'm upset that you didn't do what you promised' - and then turn the tables on them. Instead of your usual accusation, which they will be expecting, ask, 'What prevents you from doing it? What do you recommend that we do?' At this point, shut your mouth and let the other person come up with a solution, since he has obviously been ignoring yours. You might also ask what he suggests you do if he forgets again. Now it's not your problem, but his; and you've asked him to take responsibility for solving the problem."
Eventually, the difficult person will learn that belligerent (or tearful) displays are not effective with you, and will settle down to the problem at hand.
With a difficult person won won't admit that he or she is angry with you, Padesky advises, you can act genuinely puzzled about the person's behavior. "You say, 'Look, lately you seem irritated by me. What's going on?' This often disarms any angry person. Listen to them straight through their viewpoint, even if you disagree with everything they say, even if they're distorting or exaggerating. Listen attentively, make eye contact, let them express their point of view, and agree with whatever is true."
"Don't let tears deflect you from your goals, though. You don't have to be cold, but neither should you be too supportive of the emotional display. Instead, keep the person talking; ask specific questions, such as 'What are we going to do next?'"
Anger-Reducing Perceptions:
"Bad things happen"
Empathy for the other person
"I can't fight every battle"
"She couldn't help it"
Humor and silliness
Cooling-Off Habits:
Count to 10 (or to ...)
Sleep on it
Exercise (noncompetitive)
Nip argument in bud
Meditation, relaxation
Distraction (baking bread, reading, movies)
Successful anger therapies, therefore, attack the mind (teaching the person to identify the perceptions and interpretations that generate anger), the body (teaching relaxation and cooling-off techniques to help the person calm down), and behavior (teaching new habits and skills).
Of course, as I have been arguing, there are times when only anger will make the necessary point, when gentle hints and persistent kindnesses go unheard and unheeded by the irritating spouse or government in question. A sociologist friend of mine thinks it is significant that there is a word for people who are not persecuted but believe they are ("paranoid"), whereas there is no word for people who are being persecuted but believe they are not. "Chumps?" he suggested. People who never feel angry even when it is in their own best interests to do so, who never take a stand against an injustice they can influence, win no prizes for courage, nor sympathy for their stoicism.
The moral use of anger, I believe, requires an awareness of choice and an embrace of reason. It is knowing when to become angry - "this is wrong, this I will protest" - and when to make peace; when to take action, and when to keep silent; knowing the likely cause of one's anger and not berating the blameless.
New Yorkers? A faucet drips and they go crazy. Enraged calls to the landlord! New Yorkers are the ultimate innocents. They don't see anything as a part of life; everything is a personal assault that happened to me: MY rent has gone up, MY faucet is leaking, MY job is lousy.
She has certainly captured the attitude, although I don't think it is limited to New Yorkers.
Private, reflexive ventilated rage is often justified today as a proper attack on "oppression" - sometimes actual oppression, and sometimes the normal constraints of maturity. The problem with it is that, once it has drawn attention to a grievance, it does not do much to change anything. Change, over the long haul, requires organization, patience, good humor, and the ability to negotiate and compromise; all of which may be energized by anger or killed by it.
True investigative reporting, such as uncovering governmental corruption, is one of the essential aspects of the media's job. But by attacking the media for their alleged bias, the government has successfully cowed the very institutions that ought to be monitoring it - with the acquiescence of the public, who want to be polite, and who do not want to be angry with their leaders.
What's called for is a little flare of anger, enough to guarantee our use of anger and not its use of us. This is difficult. It is much easier to extinguish anger completely, and with it all sense of caring about community or hope of change; or to let go in aggressive displays at every perceived affront, fanning the fury past containment or direction.
Rebels and dissidents challenge the complacent belief in a just world and, as the theory would predict, they are usually denigrated for their efforts. While they are alive, they may be called "cantankerous," "crazy," "hysterical," "uppity," or "duped." Dead, some of them become saints and heroes, the sterling characters of history. It's a matter of proportion. One angry rebel is crazy, three is a conspiracy, fifty is a movement.
People will accept their roles as long as they regard them as contributing to the social good and their own individual benefit, and as long as the authorities hold up their end of the bargain. They are usually prepared, though, to give the authorities an extended line of credit.
The anger that fuels revolt does not arise, therefore, from objective conditions of deprivation or misery. As long as people regard those conditions as natural and inevitable, as God's Law or man's way, they do not feel angry about them. So sociologists speak instead of "relative deprivation," the subjective comparisons that people make when they compare their actual lives to what might be possible.
Jehovah of the Old Testament and Allah of Islam are angry gods who require anger to be used freely in their service against enemies, infidels, and the wicked; but anger within the community is to be suppressed. This was a smart and successful philosophy for small nations surrounded by competing groups, the situation then and now in the Middle East.
In contrast, the religions of Taoism, Vishnuism, and Buddhism advocate the complete eradication of anger and any other emotion that serves a this-worldly desire, such as lust and greed. Because everything that happens in this world is predestined, according to these theologies, there is no point in getting riled up about evil, war, and sin. There is certainly no point in protesting one's caste; obedient behavior in this life will be rewarded with caste advancement in the next incarnation. War and anger may be an occasional necessity, but they are not to be sought after or celebrated.
Christianity stands between the martial religions and the pacifistic ones. Anger may be used to combat evil and injustice; anger is good or bad depending on its use, not its nature.
Religion, of course, offers the ultimate just world, if not in this life then in the next. Religion and political ideology organize our angers as they legitimize our social systems. Indeed all of the great religions have made the management of anger a central concern, with prescriptions designed to protect the social order and to generate anger, if at all, only on its behalf.
The other was a lawsuit, brought against my husband and me by a former friend who fell off a step in our house and broke her hip.
In both cases, anger itself was not the problem; anger is inevitable, as is conflict, between friends and loved ones. What was compelling to me about these sad events was the misery caused by the form of the anger expressed (in the family instance) and by the decision that anger was incompatible with friendship (in the friend's instance). In both cases, I learned, anger served an ulterior goal: It was merely the excuse, providing the energy to carry out a decision that had already been made.
Researchers have by now conducted dozens of experiments that show what happens then the belief in a just world clashes with an obvious fact of injustice. If you cannot do anything about the injustice, you will tend to denigrate the victim, deny the evidence, or reinterpret the event entirely.
Denigrate the victim. In a just world, innocent women are not raped. Women who are raped, therefore, must have "invited it" - by being seductive, or perhaps by merely being. Examples appear in the news much too often: [...] another judge (still in business) excused a man for raping his five-year-old daughter because the child was "particularly seductive."
The structure of the "totalitarian ego," which can mobilize considerable anger to protect itself and its beliefs, may actually be necessary to our mental health. After reviewing years of research, health psychologists Shelley Taylor and Jonathon Brown concluded that well-being virtually depends on the illusions of "overly positive self-evaluations, exaggerated perceptions of control or mastery, and unrealistic optimism." These illusions are both normal and necessary for the usual criteria of mental health: the ability to care about others, the ability to be contented, and the ability to work productively. In fact, the people who score highest on tests of self-deception (for example, who deny threatening but universal feelings, such as ever having felt guilty) score the lowest on measures of psychopathology and depression!
The ego, says Greenwald, is a "self-justifying historian" which seeks only that information that agrees with it, rewrites history when it needs to, and does not even see the evidence that threatens it. The organization of knowledge in the mind is like a library system. Our built-in biases allow us to retrieve any specific information that we need rapidly; once we make a commitment to a particular cataloging system (say, a conservative ideology or a religious framework of belief), we spend more time maintaining the system than revising it. The biases of the mind persist because they work: They preserve self-confidence, they keep our mental organization in order, and they keep us persevering toward our goals, whatever those may be. The mind's cautiousness about accepting new ideas may seem foolhardy in a world bursting with innovation and discovery, but (at least until recently) it has been an adaptive success for our species. The flash of anger that people may feel when they are threatened with conflicting information is the mind's way of protecting its organization. "My mind's made up - don't confuse me with the facts" seems to have been an oddly successful strategy in the evolution of the brain.
Some attribute anger to women or minorities of previous generations and even centuries. When they wonder why a battered woman stays with a vicious husband, blaming herself instead of him for her abuse, or why a slave does not rebel, or why the untouchables accept their caste of degradation, they are assuming that these sufferers interpret the situation as they do - and see a way out of it, as well.
The forces that keep people in their places, if not entirely contented then at least not angry, are not always as irrational as they seem. The decision that a particular situation is unjust must overcome a few psychological and practical hurdles, and so must the next decision: that the injustice merits anger instead of apathy. The question, therefore, is not simply "Why do people become angry?" but why they do not.
Of course, the greater the discrepancy between two people's backgrounds, the more occasions for disagreement are likely to turn up. The background-difference approach can be the first step toward identifying the sources of such disagreement; or, what I think is more often the case, an excuse to avoid taking responsibility for one's behavior. After all, short of living alone or marrying one's clone, who doesn't live with someone of different temperament, habits, and pleasures? Short of marrying one's sibling, who doesn't live with someone from a different background?
"Marriage and family living," says marriage counselor David Mace, "generate in normal people more anger than those people experience in any other social situation in which they habitually find themselves." [...] James Averill observes that there are at least four perfectly normal reasons that people feel angrier with loved ones and friends than with strangers or people they dislike. Close contact provides more opportunities for anger; the irritating things that loved ones do tend to be cumulative and distressing; people are more strongly motivated to get loved ones to change their ways, and anger is one attempt to get them to change; and people feel more confident and secure in expressing anger to loved ones.
Efforts to dig up the "root" of anger in marriage aren't using the right metaphor; marital anger is more like the concentric layers of an onion. [...] Most attempts to diagnose the causes of marital anger concentrate on one layer only: background differences, or the clash of personalities, or immediate issues of disagreement.
What went wrong? They may search for reasons for their reciprocal irritation without hitting on a more subtle one: a clash of conversation rules. When females talk to females, they ask more questions, fill more silences, and insert more frequent "um-hmms" and murmurs than men do. When males talk to males, both parties tend to regard any interruption as a challenge to the speaker, who may then yield his turn or speak louder to maintain it. When females talk to males, their respective language rules can create misunderstandings. He takes her supportive murmurs as a sign of agreement rather than attention, and feels irritated by her interruptions. She wonders why he isn't paying attention to her and never seems to support what she is saying.
Jerry Deffenbacher, a clinical psychologist and researcher at Colorado State University, has developed a successful therapy for people with problems with chronic anger - and that includes as many women as men. Deffenbacher treats men and women who "describe themselves as having a significant personal problem with anger and desire help for it." Males and females are angered by the same types of situations, Deffenbacher reports, and to the same degree, and they respond to treatment the same way.
But as sociologist Richard Gelles observes in Family Violence, the bond between drink and aggression disappears once you consider whether people believe they will be held responsible for their actions if they are drunk.
A counselor was interviewing a couple with a history of wife abuse. The counselor asked the husband, "Why do you beat up your wife?" The husband responded, "I can't control myself. I just lose control." The counselor, being a very wise person, asked, "Well, why don't you shoot her or stab her?" The husband had no response to that because the only answer he could have given would be "I can't shoot or stab my wife, I might hurt her." He knew very well what he was doing.
"The research shows," says Gelles, "that people do get drunk and beat their wives and children, but they are fully aware of what they are doing. So aware, in fact, that people will drink knowing that their inebriation will give them an excuse for violence."
The connection between alcohol and anger, therefore, is a social link, not a physiological one. People use alcohol as they use anger; as permission to do something they want. Psychologist G. Alan Marlatt has demonstrated this in the cleverest way: by comparing how people behave when they are actually drinking liquor (vodka and tonic) and when they think they are drinking liquor (tonic and lime juice). It turns out that thinking matters more than drinking. Men, for example, behave more belligerently when they believe they are drinking vodka than when they get the real thing but believe it's only tonic. Both men and women report feeling sexually aroused under the influence of believing they are high. And alcoholics who have a couple of tonics, thinking it's vodka, develop a "craving" for more liquor. Clearly, alcohol doesn't trigger some physiologically addictive mechanism or pull a "disinhibition" switch. Instead, it allows people to behave in stereotyped ways in accord with what they want to do and are used to doing.