Classics and the Western Canon discussion
Herodotus - The Histories
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Herodotus, Book Two


I agree with Rosemarie, this is totally bizarre! Setting aside the...lunacy of the parameters in the experiment, how would a child's first word indicate who were the first people? Because the first "word" they identify is supposed to be Phrygian, and the child was raised in theoretical isolation, Phyrgian was the first use of language, and therefore Phygians the first people? Is that supposed to be the logic? Do BF Skinner and the behaviorists have anything to say about this?

"I was unable to learn anything from anyone else on this subject, but I learned about other things at the greatest length, as an eyewitness as far as Elephant City, and beyond this point by asking questions and listening carefully." 2.30 Blanco translation.

I agree, quite weird. If one doesn't hear language, you don't learn it. You might make up your own form of communication, but to come up with the Phrygian word "bekos" seems very odd. Does Herodotus think language is in our genes/instinct, passed on without any role modeling? Even animals model behaviors to their young. For someone dedicated to inquiry, observation..it just seemed out of character for how has presented his material thus far.

I agree. Very weird. Did H think that language is an innate quality, an instinct, passed along in our genes? If we don't hear language we don't learn it. They may have formed their own communication, but to come up with the Phrygian word "bekos" is quite odd.

"I believe that all men know the same things about gods, whatever they call them."- Herodotus (Blanco translation)


Although the ancient world was a small world, physically, it was culturally very important.

This is a story about what the priests at the temple of Hephaistos believe, so I don't think it's what Herodotus actually believes. The obvious conclusion is that the children are imitating the sound of goats, and the word they know that sounds most like this is the Phrygian word "bekos." Herodotus is kind enough not to contradict the priests (and we see he is sensitive to religious customs throughout this book) but he points out that Hellenes have similar silly stories.
Herodotus knows that language is learned, and so are customs. Later on he argues that most of what the Hellenes believe about the gods comes from Egypt, so understanding that knowledge is passed on, learned, or transmitted rather than innate is important to him. I think it's why he starts the book with this odd story that makes us think about origins.

I wonder what Chomsky and the internal review board would say about such an experiment..! Child abuse and biased experiment to the max. An unhealthy obsession with being number one. Even on rereading, it's still a very disturbing story.


Indeed. And our methods have certainly changed, but there are now entire fields of scientific study devoted to studying human origins - speech, cultural structure, physical evolution, etc. I found Herodotus' story interesting because it shows a universal human impulse to figure these things out.

Thanks Thomas. As I read further into the book it is more clear to me that Herodotus is related things that are told to him. Interesting about "bekos" most likely being an imitation of a goat's bleat. Makes sense.

This sounds like Aristotle when he says that human knowledge proceeds from what is known to us to what is known in itself. Herodotus does not apply the principle very carefully, but perhaps the germ of Aristotle's more rigorous process is here.
I'm also reminded of Lucretius, who assumes that invisible atoms ought to behave in a way similar to very small but visible particles, like dust motes in the sun. Herodotus seems to be making the same argument by saying that the Nile should be similar to the Ister, almost like a mirror image.
He finishes his treatment of the Nile, but the mirror image continues in his discussion of the Egyptians, whose customs "are at least in most respects completely opposite to those of other peoples." 2.35


My ex-husband and I hired a guide, who was a university history teacher. To earn extra money to support his family, he would take private appointments to make the drive to the site and provide a personal tour. I had already done a lot of reading in preparation for the visit, so I was able to tell that he was very well prepared and extremely knowledgeable. Nice person!
Anyway, we were waiting for another group to exit one of the buildings (La Iglesia) and could overhear what that guide was saying. He was spinning quite a fanciful tale that the building was used as a cafeteria/picnic building of sorts for visitors, and he went into a lot of detail about the food that was brought in. Of course, all of this was completely false and sounded ridiculous even if you hadn't read anything at all, but I could tell his group was swallowing the entire story. Our guide's eyes got bigger and bigger as the story unfolded. As the group exited the building, our guide and the other guide made eye contact. The other guide just grinned and shrugged his shoulders.
When I asked our guide about it later, he said that a lot of people, to earn money, hang around outside the site, by the entrance, and offer themselves as historical guides for any groups that happen to come through without someone already hired to take them through. Some of them know what they are talking about, but many don't. They are just trying to earn a living and feed their families in any way they can.
I have no idea what he said about the other buildings, but I'm sure it was eye-opening :).
So, you could tell that this particular group swallowed the whole story, because, hey, this is an official guide to the site, right? And they took that information and those stories home and spread them around.
But it made me think...there are probably people right now going into historical sites all over the world, and, unless they inform themselves first, they are subject to the same potential misinformation.
Of course, we have tools we can use to get information so that we can process information more critically. But in Herodotus' day, there were no guidebooks or Internet or encyclopedias. And since he couldn't verify anything, all he could do say he was repeating what he had been told.
Very possibly Herodotus didn't believe the whole radishes story, but even if he didn't, he never did find out what the inscriptions actually said.
When I think of the tasks he set himself....Herculean, actually.


Plus his interest and curiosity about, well, everything, brings so much to life. Yes, some of the geography stuff was dull to me, but the rest, even in translation, just sparkles.

Yes, it was bizarre. But what interested me is that he did to some extent adopt the concept of scientific inquiry -- if you want to learn something, design an experiment and follow it through. It took two years; he was willing to be patient. But the idea of learning through controlled experiment is what impressed me here more than the actual experiment itself.

But given the geographical knowledge he did have -- that the earth kept getting hotter the further South you go -- his conclusion actually seemed to me to be the most logical. Of course he was wrong, but like Lucretius he was wrong not because of bad logic but because of inaccurate or incomplete information.

Elizabeth Vandiver has some thoughts on this, and suggests that Herodotus is well off base in this section of his work. She thinks that the Greek and Egyptian Gods aren't the same gods, and that Greece didn't import them from Egypt, although probably there was cross-pollination going both ways. The Greeks and Egyptians interacted early on, as we see from the story of Io (and also from Menelaus having been blown off course down to Egypt on his return from Troy).

The experts can also get things very wrong. In his lecture series on History of the Ancient World, Gregory Aldrete tells the story of German scholar Heinrich Barth in the mid 19th century spending time in Africa and coming across multiple structures of ten foot high stone pillars arranged in pairs with a stone cap across their top. One site had no fewer than 17 trilithons. He made the immediate link with Stonehenge and concluded that the structures represented a religious site. He also found at their base a grooved stone clearly intended to move liquid away from the base, which he concluded where used to collect the blood from animal sacrifices.
It turned out that these were actually Roman constructs, and were Roman olive presses. So even in the mid 19th century highly qualified scholars could be totally wrong about things.

Excellent point. He really was a pioneer in the field of travel journalism.

"Crocodiles do have tongues but they are built in a way where they cannot poke them out of their mouths. They can however, still swallow. It is also quite common for crocodiles to allow smaller birds to sit in their mouths to pick their teeth as they cannot maneuver their tongues around. A crocodile’s tongue lies between each mandibular bone of the lower jaw. Although relatively immobile due to its slender and snouted type build, a crocodile’s tongue can be pushed against the roof of the mouth to manipulate objects or pulled down to create a pouch for hatchlings."
So while they have tongues, probably they aren't very visible or identifiable at the distance a traveler is willing to approach them. And the birds in the mouth are totally accurate. So way to go, Herodotus!
The link to that quote:
http://animalquestions.org/reptiles/c...


The reason why Herodotus thinks what he does is that he doesn't trust the poets as the final authority. He says Homer and Hesiod are ones who composed the theogony for the Hellenes, and they lived "no more than 400 years" before Herodotus. Herodotus knows the gods are older than that, so it would make sense that the the more recent culture derived their knowledge from the older. This might also explain his great respect for Egyptian religion and the Egyptian people, who he thinks are the most pious and cleanest of all people. Perhaps the Hellenes still have a lot to learn from them.
Herodotus shows how religious knowledge was transmitted and transmuted at 2.54-57, where he shows how the first oracles came to Greece. The Egyptian priests say that two priestesses were abducted from Thebes -- one of them was taken to Greece, the other to Libya. Pretty simple. But the priestesses at Dodona in Greece say that two black doves flew from Thebes -- one to Dodona, the other to Libya. The dove in Greece settled on a branch in Dodona and declared that an oracle of Zeus should be established there. Herodotus finds this ridiculous -- how can a dove speak? Let alone speak Greek! So he comes to the conclusion that the woman was called a dove because her foreign tongue sounded like a bird, but after a while she learned Greek and became intelligible. The simple story of the Egyptians has become mythologized by the Greeks.


Finally made it to the end of Book 2 during my morning commute. Enjoyed the section on Egyptian customs, especially all the detail about the mummification process, and it was notable too how much more advanced and specialized Egyptian medical practices were, especially when compared to the Babylonians.
The passage that struck me most though was the alternative history of Paris' abduction of Helen, which runs counter to the more familiar plot in The Iliad and Shakespeare's Troilus & Cressida. This was the first time I'd ever read of an alternative course of events, so my jaw dropped a bit. Herodotus seems to contest Homer's view of events on historical and ethical grounds, in the latter sense by saying that it's highly unlikely Priam would have let his city and people burn just for the sake of Helen, and that it was more likely the war was based on a misunderstanding. I've no idea who to believe now...

Herodotus says that he thinks Homer knew the Egyptian version, but he rejected it because it wasn't appropriate for epic composition. Is that because it eliminates the drama of the war?
The Egyptians version does seem a bit tame by comparison -- Proteus is a king, according to the Egyptians, and not a god; Alexander is captured because his slaves turn him in; Proteus deports Alexander because he has offended the guest-host relationship, and spares Alexander's life on the same grounds... (Very Greek for an Egyptian, I'd say.)
Menelaos still goes to Troy though, and when the Trojans tell him that Helen isn't there he thinks they are mocking him, so he lays siege to Troy out of anger. But he finds out the Trojans are right after all, Helen is indeed not there. So they sail to Egypt, where they are treated with great hospitality (again, very Greek) and pick up Helen and the stuff Alexander stole. But Menelaos gets stuck due to bad weather... so what does he do? Of course, he slays some children, just as Homer has him slay his own daughter, Iphigenia. The Egyptian story mocks Menelaos just as Menelaos thought the Trojans were mocking him.
I wonder if Herodotus isn't gently mocking Homer himself with this story.

I think this is a trait that is peculiar to the Egyptians. The Persian magi, on the other hand, not only have no qualms about killing any kind of animal but do it with their own hands. Herodotus paints the Egyptians as very pious people, but also very body-oriented. Many of their customs are directed at cleanliness, such as shaving of the head, circumcision, cleaning their drinking cups every day, etc. Mummification might fall in the same category. (By contrast, Persian men are never buried until their bodies have been torn up by birds or dogs. Egyptians' bodies are preserved for eternity.)

I also found this fascinating. I was riveted to my book as I read it.
Whatever the truth was (and even whether there was a real Helen in the first place), it took a lot of courage (or foolhardiness?) to call Homer a liar when he created scenes of Helen on the ramparts of Troy talking about the Greek soldiers.
I wasn't convinced by the passages from Homer he cited as his claim that Homer knew all along that Helen had stayed in Egypt. So really, the question is whether we believe Homer or the Egyptians.
I can't recall offhand whether any of the tragedies that survived had Helen at Troy. I don't remember any such, but that doesn't mean it's not there.

I'm not quite finished it yet (yes, I'm behind -- so what else is new!), but I'm not finding it a slog at all. I'm actually enjoying the respite from constant warfare and hostility.

Nah, nah, I know something you don't know? I don't get it.."
I've been noticing that too, and wondering about why he did it. And I'm annoyed when he does -- I want him to tell me!

I hope not. Though we have to remember that Herodotus was an Ionian Greek (I think Ionian; if Hallicarnasus wasn't in Ionia, it was close), not an Attic Greek. So he may not have had the same reverence for Homer that the mainland Greeks would have.

According to Herodotus, Halicarnassus was a Dorian city. But he writes in a poetic Ionic dialect, so I would expect he was affiliated with the Ionians in some way. (Vandiver seems to think so anyway.)
I'm not sure if he reveres Homer and Hesiod the way his contemporaries did, but he certainly has reverence for the gods, regardless of the belief system. It's surprising to me when he refuses to name certain people or gods (it isn't clear which) because he considers it "religiously offensive." ( 2.86, 2.170-171) I think this is because he believes that the gods are the same for all people, but each culture has its own religious customs, and he respects that.

Yes, I noticed that too. It's in line with the practice Patrice objected to of his saying "I know a story about why this is so, but I'm not going to tell you."

For orientation, the city was on the southern part of modern Turkey's west coast, just north of Rhodes.
Interestingly, two of the wonders of the ancient world were right there - the great Mausoleum in Halicarnassus and the Collossus at Rhodes.

There have been many accounts of such experiments throughout history, How many of these are true and how many are false is debatable. They all take children out of society to see what language they will use if they are left to their own devices. ( see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Languag...)


Yeah, more or less. I wouldn't consider myself enough of an expert to say if there were other migrations/population mixing, but the Dorians did originate in the area of the Peloponnesus that became Sparta.
Come to think of it, I'm reading Thucydides now, and in the first book he discusses how the various branches of the proto-Greek family settled out. I can't recall offhand exactly what he said about Dorians, but I do remember that area was one of the fertile regions the tribes fought over.

One of the appendices in my edition of Thucydides also discusses how that war was the first time that a Greek state other than Sparta was able to build a significant standing army and devote itself to total war. Essentially because the Athenians took over the power vacuum left by Persia and built up their own hegemony in the Aegean. Reminded me very much of the forces that lead to the buildup of power before WWI, actually.
But I think I'm probably getting a little far afield from Herodotus here, so I'll stop myself.

In the next book he makes a joke at the Spartans' expense. Or maybe it's not a joke, just something I find funny....in any case it plays on Spartan laconicism, which is a quality that Herodotus does not himself embrace, judging by the length of this book.
I think his spirit of inquiry places him firmly in the Ionian camp, though you're right that he does treat everyone fairly. Vandiver devotes a whole lecture in her series to the "Ionian Enlightenment," where she makes a good argument for the influence of the Ionian philosophers on Herodotus. These were thinkers like Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Heraclitus, who were attempting to find natural causes for observable phenomena. Herodotus seems to be looking for the same thing, though so far it seems to be more observation than anything else.

That might just qualify as a laconic understatement :).

Good question, especially since Euclid was from Alexandria. Okay, I suppose Alexandria was more Hellenistic than Egyptian at the time, but still...


And while apparently he doesn't go further, he reports information up to Meroe, which is another several hundred miles up the river, where he claims that they worship Zeus.
The whole issue of the comparison of Egyptian and Greek gods is confusing to me (and, Vandiver suggests, to scholars of the era too). I thought about trying to sort it out, but quickly gave up. Has anybody else tried it and felt even marginally successful?

I realize that Greece and Egypt were never (as far as I know) at war, but still, this praise of Egypt having more superb monuments than even his home country is quite a compliment.

http://www.artic.edu/~llivin/research...

The reason scholars believe/know no iron was used in building the pyramids was because they were constructed hundreds to thousands of years before we have any evidence of iron smelting in Egypt. Recent evidence has come to light that the Egypians had access to meteorite iron, but they would not have possessed it in significant qualities, and it was a luxury item.

I just took him at his word. The God is the God with a different name. I think many people feel that way today, the name doesn't matter. He translates. ."
That works for me in monotheistic religions. But less so in polytheistic, where there are many different gods with many differing attributes. There, the name does matter because the gods differ so greatly from each other, whichever religion you're in.
Book Two is almost entirely concerned with Egypt and the Egyptians. A brief outline (suggested by Seth Benardete) shows the scope of his interests:
I. Part 1 -- the land and the river Nile (2.4 - 2.34)
a. the land, 4.3 - 18
b. the river, 19 - 34
II. Part 2 -- Egyptians customs (2.35-2.98)
a. customs and the gods, 35 - 50
b. festivals and the way the gods became Greek, 51 - 65.1
c. the sacred animals, 65.2 - 76
d. the way of life in upper Egypt, 77 - 91
e. the way of life of the marsh dwellers, 92 - 98
III. Part 3 -- Egyptian history, as understood by Egyptians (2.99-2.146)
a. the first kings up to Proteus, 99 -120
b. Rhampsinitus, 121 - 123
c. Cheops, Chephren, and Mycerinus, 124 - 135
d. Asychis, Anysis, and Sethos, 136 - 141
e. Egyptian chronology and theology, 142 - 146
IV. Part 4 -- Egyptian history, as agreed upon by Egyptians and other people (2.147-2.182)
What was it about Egypt that made Herodotus go on for such length, and in such detail? Perhaps it was that he had first-hand knowledge of the country and its people, and to some extent its animals. But by the end of book two it seems that it might be more than just a travelogue, as he seems to describe a special relationship between Egypt and Greece. Perhaps this is helpful to understand for later material?
He opens the book with an odd story. (Fancy that.) The Egyptian king Psammetichos conducts an experiment to determine who the first humans were. Two questions occur to me about this experiment: first, what is important about knowing who the first people were? And second, isn't there something wrong with this experiment and the conclusion?